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The Linguistic Situation in Morocco: Chaos or Richness?

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linguistic diversity in Morocco

Casablanca- The strategic location of Morocco has meant that throughout history it has been open to a variety of linguistic influences including Greeks, Phoenicians, Arabs and Western Europeans. This has immensely influenced and contributed to the linguistic situation of the indigenous people, resulting in a more complex multilingual country.

It is due to the variety of the languages spoken in the region that Morocco came to be characterized as linguistically complex. Arabic is the official language of the country. It is spoken by about two-thirds of the population. There are also other versions of Arabic including the middle Arabic, the vernacular Arabic and Hassani Arabic. These varieties are widely spoken in different parts of Morocco. Tamazight, which is the language of the indigenous people, consists of three dialects including Tarifit, Tashelhit and Tamazight. It was spoken in the region before the Arabs spread their language and culture. Now, it is spoken by about half of the population.

French is also used alongside Arabic in the majority of the fields. It is a language that appears not only as some remains of the French ruler but also as a kind of opening device to a different world of modernity and technology that represents the western world (Adil Moustaoui, 2006). Spanish is widely spoken in the north of Morocco and in the ex-Spanish colonized Sahara regions and English is increasingly operating in Morocco. It is extensively taught in high schools and universities, something that demonstrates its fast spread. German has started to be heavily involved in the Moroccan educational system as well. Now, it is taught as a foreign language in selected high schools in big cities like Casablanca, Rabat, Marrakesh, Fes and Tangier (Moha Ennaji).

This wide use of all these languages in the region has been because of the constantly changing language policies that have been implemented throughout history. Before the independence of Morocco in 1956, the French colonizer’s policy aimed at making the French language the official language of the country. However, immediately after the independence, the country started the policy of Arabization, whose main aim was the unification and the integration of Moroccan citizens at the level of education, religion and politics. Obviously, this language policy focused only on the promotion of the Arabic language, resulting in the exclusion of Tamazight and other languages.

However, it was only in 2001 that Tamazight was recognized by a Royal Dahir “decree” as a major element of the Moroccan culture, and later in 2011, it was enshrined in the constitution as an official language. Hence, the openness towards languages came to be a new language policy in Morocco that has raised the debates over the linguistic situation therein.

This openness towards languages has recently been stressed in the King’s speech of the 60th Anniversary of Revolution of the King and People. He clearly stated that Moroccans need to be enthusiastically encouraged to learn other languages. It is only by doing this, he said, that Moroccans will have what it takes to be heavily involved in the market.

Going through this, one may reach the conclusion that the linguistic situation can be deemed as richness to the country, yet it is also a source of linguistic problems that are related mainly to education and other fields.

To start with, there is no official status of the languages spoken in the region. It is enshrined in the constitution that Arabic is the official language of the country, but this is far from describing the reality. Yes, it is the official language, but to what extent it is official? Normally, when we say that a language is official, we expect it to be used in different sectors of life, which is not the case in Morocco. That is, French is still dominating the majority of the fields.

Pursuing this further, students constantly face linguistic problems in their education, which hinders their progress. When a pupil starts taking their basic courses, he/she starts learning a language (standard Arabic) that is different from the one spoken at home (Darija). Now, Tamazight is increasingly used in primary school with its three varieties and its unique script. One year or two later, students start learning French. Soon after that, he/she is exposed to English, Spanish or German. After getting baccalaureate, he/she starts to be instructed at the university in French, a language that is different from the language of instruction at high school. It is is believed by many students that this blocks their learning, which sometimes causes these students to switch their branch of study.

In brief, it appears to be that the linguistic situation in Morocco has been moving from richness to chaos in the sense that many inquiries surface whenever the magnitude of this issue comes under investigation. The learning and teaching of Darija has been encouraged the last few years. This has given life to doubt of whether it will be standardized to reach the position to impose itself to acquire an official status. Some linguists went a step further and asked whether Morocco has any official language, in the full meaning of the word…and so on and so forth. 

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed


Urgent solutions for urgent needs in the Muslim World

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The Islamic Religion, Philosophy, Politics and History

Rabat

Preserving and strengthening identity

The impact of the globalization process, which has brought unprecedented changes in societies and accelerated the pace of scientific and technological development, has caught human beings unprepared, and there is still a number of issues at the macro and micro levels which need to be examined with great care to protect the ethical and human values as well as the unique characteristics of societies.

In the context of globalization, safeguarding the culture and civilization of Muslim people has become an essential factor in preserving their identity and is a vital element that enriches cultural diversity and the expected dialogue among cultures and civilizations. Throughout their history, original educational institutions have played an important role in protecting the Islamic identity and withstanding any attempt to obliterate or dissolve it.

They have indeed significantly contributed to raising human, economic and social development indicators in Islamic countries by reducing illiteracy rates and enabling young people to access the labor market by providing them with theoretical and practical training and infusing them with the values necessary for productivity and income generation. Now there is a need to enhance this education in the context of the cultural and economic requirements of the modern world: dialogue, tolerance, peace, gender issues, employment, etc.

Illiteracy among Muslims is still the most dangerous scourge and challenge that impede any optimum investment of human resources in the implementation of national development plans in their countries. Due to many complex factors related to the political, cultural, economic, social and demographic conditions, the efforts led so far in several Muslim countries to combat and eradicate illiteracy still prove inadequate. Worse still, this scourge has taken on alarming proportions in countries with a long-standing record of political and social instability. Not only is illiteracy an economic burden on the individual, his or her family and country, but it also threatens the stability of social and political institutions, because illiterate citizens may be easy prey for extremists who wish to use them to achieve their [ dangerous political or other objectives.

With the sweeping changes in technology and applied science and the corollary prosperity in the information industry, the service sector, and developments in the labor market and production systems, it has become necessary for international and regional bodies involved in education, as well as relevant ministries, and centers for studies, planning and school counseling across the world, to revise existing educational programs and policies to chart the strengths and weaknesses in educational systems all over the world. It has also become necessary and to develop a roadmap for improving educational systems around the world to contribute effectively to human and societal development.  

Defending spiritual and scientific knowledge

The modern university is expected to address the epistemic crisis resulting from the artificial separation between knowledge and religion and the stripping of science of religious values and content, and of philosophical insights. The modern university also seeks to further the understanding of Islam along with its intellectual and philosophical trends, and to take stock of human expertise in the different fields of knowledge and assimilate it in the structure of Islamic thought in a sound and reasonable way. Other aims include asserting the importance of integration and creative coexistence among natural, human, and social sciences on the one hand, and learning by rote, reasoning, and education on the other. The ultimate goal is to build the well-balanced Muslim personality which in its thinking, methods and behavior draws upon harmony between rational, spiritual, and scientific knowledge.

Islam was the first civilization and culture ever to balance unity and diversity. It was indeed the melting pot of different peoples and cultures who rallied around this monotheist religion that provides for the right to diversity and difference without any discrimination or segregation. It is a call for mutual acquaintance and concord, as Allah the Exalted says, “O mankind! We created you of a male and female, and made you into nations and tribes, that you may know each other, not that you despise each other. Verily the most honored of you in the sight of God is he who is the most righteous” [Al-Hujurat (the Dwellings) 49:13], and “And among His Signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth, and the variations in your languages and your colors” [Ar-Rum (the Romans) 30:21].

As a result of this avant-garde civilizational vision, the peoples of the Islamic Ummah proceeded to writing their languages in the Arabic script so as to remain spiritually linked to the Holy Quran, and to its culture, language, sciences, arts and literature, as well as to the noble tradition of the Prophet. Thus, Persians, Turks, Kurds, Bengalis, and others wrote their languages in Arabic, just as did the Hausas, Fulanis, and Swahilis. These languages have greatly progressed and the literary, artistic, scientific and cultural heritage of their people registered significant improvement, as evidenced by the hundreds of thousands of manuscripts housed in libraries and documentation centers.

With regard to indigenous cultures, delays in the adoption of a universal convention on the protection of popular arts, traditional know-how, and genetic resources confirm the economic and cultural challenges inherent in development of society. With this in mind, emphasis must be put on this sensitization process on the role of traditional know-how in sustainable development.

Indeed, it is not enough to guarantee the right of linguistic minorities to cultural expression, but their right to direct the use and preservation of their cultural heritage must be preserved. Furthermore, and considering the major role civil society plays as the link between national policies and the strategies of international organizations involved in sustainable development, the scope of partnerships with civil society organizations and institutions will be broadened to achieve the desired objectives.

Islamic countries have always placed greater emphasis on the promotion of social and human sciences policies and programs at national, regional and international levels. As such, action will have to be taken to facilitate implementation of national social and human policies through the convening of various events with the objective to advance knowledge, standards, freedom and human dignity, and to enable Islamic countries to adopt social transformations in accordance with the Islamic spirit and values.

Efforts to support education and research programs of institutions to prepare suitable human resources and to enable researchers to identify and solve social, cultural and human problems arising from the development of new trends and reactions in the society will have to be sustained. The research results will be utilized to contribute to policy formulation and implementation of action according to the real needs of populations. Emphasis will also be put on enhancing the roles of various sectors of society through wider dissemination of knowledge, and understanding of social and human issues so as to enable the general public to play an effective role in determining the trends of society.

Safeguarding rights

Recognition of human rights includes civil and political rights, such as the right to life and liberty, freedom of expression, and equality before the law.  Social, cultural and economic rights, including the right to participate in politics and culture, the right to food, the right to work, and the right to education, are the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) provided a basic foundation to proclaim that ALL human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Islam has always promoted human, civil, economic and social rights. Asserting these rights provides a firm foundation for peace and justice and allows all human beings to live with each other with dignity and freedom.

Women are equal to men in the pursuit of knowledge and are vital to life. The status of women in Islam constitutes no impediment. Islam grants equal rights to women to contract, to engage in enterprise, to earn and to possess property independently. Efforts will have to be continued to promote gender equality and balance. Acknowledgement of social rights of women is an urgent necessity and must undeniably be pursued by promoting women’s role in social development, while keeping in view Islamic principles and values.

Conferences, seminars and symposia will have to be organized to examine women’s progress towards empowerment and gender equality and social, economic, political and cultural obstacles, to increase their capacity. Projects will have to be implemented to strengthen women’s role in social development through cross-cutting themes especially related to poverty alleviation in poor localities. In order to uplift women especially in rural and urban areas, formal and non-formal education and training will be utilized in order to combat illiteracy, elevate their role and provide equal opportunities in the social development of their societies and to allow women to achieve self-fulfillment.

Advocating dialogue and tolerance

As a result of new threats, the outbreak of violent inter-ethnic conflicts in many parts of the world in recent years, violent terrorist incidents, international level propaganda against Islam, as well as the introduction of new technologies and certain scientific developments and the process of globalization, there has been an increased surge in social problems.

Societies and communities have also observed an increase in intolerance and hatred among human beings on the basis of fundamentalism, extremism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. In order to respond to the challenges emerging in modern societies, it is necessary to adopt an integrated approach to combat racism, discrimination, xenophobia and intolerance. Islamic countries will have to take steps to combat all forms of racism, xenophobia and discrimination and to promote dialogue among civilizations in order to resolve all kinds of differences and bring harmony to the creation of peaceful social conditions.

The International Conference on Fostering Dialogue among Cultures and Civilizations through Concrete and Sustained Action, which was organized in Rabat in 2005, jointly between ISESCO, the OIC, UNESCO, ALECSO, the Danish Center for Culture and Development, and the Anna Lindh Euro Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue between Cultures, provided an occasion to examine concrete and sustained initiatives in dialogue among cultures in the areas of education, culture, communication and science.

The conference culminated in the Rabat Commitments. These commitments resulted from the reflection on ways to instill the values of tolerance, dialogue, and openness toward other cultures, civilizations and religions, into the minds of children and youth in schools, through integration of concepts serving that purpose into educational programs of formal and non-formal education institutions, with the goal to uproot the causes of violence and discrimination that may result from cultural, ethnic and religious differences.

Fighting poverty

Islamic countries will also have to undertake efforts and implement actions to deal with social and human problems and issues which are not resulting from poverty or emanating from an extreme form of it. Special projects and awareness campaigns will have to be launched to enhance understanding among religions and cultures. Propaganda against Islam will have to be countered through provision of knowledge about Islam’s principles of peace and tolerance.

The alleviation of poverty, a scourge that is widespread in Islamic countries, has always been a target under various programs of international organizations. In view of the significant impact of poverty on sustainable economic development, Islamic states will have to initiate policies, projects and national plans and support the implementation of appropriate strategies and solutions to reduce poverty. Activities of Non-Governmental Organizations working in the field of social and human sciences have been strengthened to tackle issues of vital concern for populations living in poor localities.  

However, initiatives will also have to be taken to strengthen the programs of parties engaged in the alleviation of the suffering of impoverished populations. Training programs should be conducted to foster the capacities of underprivileged and physically handicapped people of the society. Creation of economic opportunities for the unemployed and empowerment of women will also remain a targeted area of action. Islamic states will have to work jointly with the United Nations agencies both in the organization of conferences and seminars and in the implementation of in-field projects to alleviate poverty.

Conclusion

Urgent solutions are needed for the current needs in Islamic states. Today it is axiomatic that the development of education, science, culture and communication hinges on security and peace, within or among the U.N. Member States both at the regional and international levels. No development is conceivable under a climate filled with ethnic, sectarian and religious tensions.

The same is true when there is a lack of justice and mutual respect, which are key elements for creating international relations that could promote prosperity and human development. Finally, it is internationally recognized that the alliance of civilizations represents the sole means that can restore balance to the world and establish peace, respect for diversity, and acknowledgment of the legitimate cultural rights and civilizational specificities of the different peoples and nations.

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed

The Role of ICT in the Tourism Industry

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Tourists sightseeing Mederssa of Attarine in fez Morocco

Ifran, Morocco - Responsible for 10% of the global gross domestic product (GDP) and for 8.7% of the world’s jobs, tourism is today considered an important economic booster and the world’s largest economic activity.

Moreover, a strong tourism industry can be viewed as a sign of a country’s social development, evolution, and progression. Furthermore, because of the impact of globalization, more people are nowadays encouraged to buy touristic products in different countries.

Since tourism is a major sector/industry in today’s world, many countries are competing to attract tourists through all means of communication, and such communication has become a major driver of touristic sectors all over the world. The role of communication is to inform prospective tourists and influence their choices vis-à-vis touristic destinations and the type of touristic products they purchase.

In order to attract prospective tourists, well-crafted communication strategies are needed, and since we are living in a digitalized world, it is necessary for the tourism industry to rely on ICTs (information and communication technology) and especially the Internet as tools of international communication.

Many countries have succeeded in using ICTs and more precisely the Internet to develop their tourism industries. For example, Malaysia and Australia, two cases I will discuss below, have been very successful in attracting many tourists through these means. On the other hand, countries such as Iran have not been able to increase their number of international visitors, largely due to a lack of ICTs and Internet development. The last point that will be discussed is the case of Morocco as an emerging world tourism destination.

Touristic promotional activities through ICTs and especially the Internet are today managed by governments and particular businesses. Governments take necessary measures to encourage private sector organizations to play the role of promoters of their country as a touristic destination. Because ICTs have transformed the touristic sector globally and offered a variety of new opportunities for its development during the last ten years, governments also rely on particular businesses in enhancing their tourism sectors through the employment of innovative technological tools in order to persist in the global competitive arena.

Numerous countries seek strategic and operational hardware, software, and networking technological benefit tools for the development of their touristic sectors. For example, understanding the economic gains that could result from their touristic sector through ICTs, the Chinese government increased the portion of its budget dedicated to private touristic businesses that develop and promote China as a touristic destination.

My emphasis on the Internet as the most important ICT is due to the fact that the Internet is the fastest growing communication medium of all eras. As an illustration, currently, there are 1.8 billion Internet users all over the worldInternet use in the tourism sector chiefly concerns the promoting of touristic destinations by providing prospective tourists with information about products, such as comparisons of products’ prices and recommendations of institutions and businesses.

The Internet allows the processing and comparison of information related to the following industries that are part of the tourism industry: (1) the hospitality industry, (2) the transportation industry, and (3) the mobile systems industry, which principally concerns distinctive mobile applications that are found in the following areas: hotels, restaurants, airlines, weather and traffic conditions, transportation, city guides/monuments guides, currency conversion, and translation.

Next, I will discuss the most essential web strategies that are used in the tourism sector and the following value strategies. First, the value extraction strategy allows the process of client outsourcing and automation, such as in the case of self-check-in of tourists in hotels or airports. Moreover, this strategy reduces the costs of products and increases the efficiency of processes. Second, the value capture strategy is a strategy about data mining for information prediction and production management.

To be more explicit, through this strategy, clients contribute to marketing goals through providing feedback and ratings. Third, the value addition strategy encompasses a direct combination of services and products in order to create richer and more diverse product packages/bundlesFourth and last, the value creation strategy mainly allows tourists to participate in destination planning and package/service definition.

The wide range of tourism and travel websites that have been created in developing countries illustrate the significance of ICTs in the tourism industry. This demonstrates the development of e-tourism in all parts of the world, since developed countries are not the only ones using ICTs in order to expand their tourism industries. It is true that tourism and ICTs have been linked for more than 30 years, but it’s during the last decade that the Internet has emerged as the fastest growing media and communication medium and has played a boosting role in the tourism industry.

Malaysia, a developing country, makes billions of dollars from tourism. Malaysia ranked 10th in a list of worldwide touristic destinations in 2011 with 24.7 million international tourist arrivals and an increase of 0.6 % from 2010 to 2011. Malaysia then received 25 million international tourist arrivals in 2012 with an increase of 1.3% from 2011 to 2012. This trend demonstrates a great achievement in the growth of a tourism industry, particularly for a developing country.

So what’s the secret of the Malaysian tourism industry’s success, and why haven’t other developing countries achieved similar success? It is worth conceding that it is not only due to Malaysian natural attractions and the PETRONAS Twin Towers that Malaysia has achieved this success. Instead, it is because of their increasing use of ICTs and improvement/development of e-tourism and e-commerce that Malaysia was able to expand its tourism industry, through the creation of a precise and complete information system that responds to and fits to the needs and desires of prospective tourists.

The Malaysian information system facilitates the procurement of visas and the acquisition of travel tickets, transportation, hotel bookings, and information about climate conditions. In addition, the vast majority of international tourists who visited Malaysia affirm that they were satisfied with the Malaysian system of information since it helped them to stay in close connection with the Malaysian facilities as well as with tourist attractions.

Another interesting case of a country with a growing tourism industry is that of Australia. Tourism plays a very important role in Australia; tourism-related jobs account for nearly 85,000 jobs, 7% of the employment in the country. Moreover, the Internet has played a major role in key markets related to tourism. Using an effective information and management system, Australia developed high-level, sophisticated features such as online flight booking, secured credit card payments, and booking housings for travel reservations. For instance, Australian websites offered real time camera services and facilities, live shopping centers, free downloads of virtual presentations of touristic sites and monuments, live advertisement of products and touristic businesses and activities, and live weather predictions.

Since tourism is a very important economic driver of the Australian economy, the government and also independent businesses developed websites that present very important touristic destinations such as the Outback and its main attraction Uluru. These websites provide comprehensive and consistent marketing efforts that allow prospective visitors to look for destinations before their arrival to certain tourist locations.

Australian websites also allow visitors to rate and leave comments about the places they have visited. Used as a source of information by many prospective tourists who are looking up information such as ratings and comments before making reservations and bookings, these websites allow real-time interaction for the websites’ visitors, and this feature contributes to increased transparency and the overall satisfaction of tourists.

In addition, web and social media help websites become more interactive, and Australia was one of the first countries to move from exclusively providing information on websites to enabling websites’ visitors and social media visitors to participate and interact with the information provided, and this has played an important role in encouraging tourists to return to Australia following their first visits. Australian websites also provide navigational assistance through the Internet through a wide range of communication tools such as maps, photographs, and videos.

Australian websites and social media pages are continuously updated in different languages in order to attract the maximum number of visitors from different countries, cultural backgrounds, and educational backgrounds. There are also Australian tourism websites for the deaf, with a number of illustrations and videos showing people using sign language to describe monuments, natural sites, and other tourist attractions.

In line with the World Tourism Organization, the Islamic Republic of Iran is amongst the top five nations with natural and historical properties and resources dedicated to tourism industry purposes. However, Iran hasn’t done very well in promoting and presenting its touristic resources and monuments through the use of ICTs and especially Internet tools. As a result, the Islamic Republic receives 2 million foreign tourists each year while approximately 900 million international tourists travel each year. Iran is a country far from advancing e-tourism because its governmental and non-governmental profit-based organizations don’t give much attention to the power of ICTs. The Internet specifically, which allows the growth of tourism industries, hasn’t been developed in Iran, and this has resulted in the unsatisfactory number of visitors to the country.

Moreover, if Iran had developed its Internet based information system(s) which could have been applicable and beneficial for the facilitation of communication amongst suppliers of touristic products, intermediaries, and visitors (consumers), the country would have brought in a great number of tourists since the beginning of the last decade. According to the WTO, in the near future, nations that haven’t developed their ICT systems and infrastructure won’t be allowed or able to continue developing their touristic sectors and therefore won’t be able to keep up with the speed of growth of the touristic sectors in other countries: ones that are equipped with very developed ICT infrastructures.

As an emerging country in different industries in the MENA region, Morocco is expanding its web based commerce and e-tourism for the purpose of facilitating the movement and flow of services among sellers of products (either non-touristic or touristic). There is a project entitled “A Generic Marketplace Platform: Application to e-tourism” that would allow Morocco to reach its growth and development goals. This ambitious project is essentially about developing a web-based platform that would allow the gathering of shared touristic information.

However, according to Lahrach Zakaria, a journalist for a Moroccan online newspaper website called La Vie Eco, only 30% of hotels in Morocco are ranked on the Internet and have their own websites. Moreover, Lahrach clearly states that e-tourism only represents a small part of the 12% of shared electronic transactions in Morocco with a direct online sale penetration rate of 75% in the flight transportation sector. It is clear that e-tourism in Morocco is only developed when it comes to the flight transportation sector, but even in this sector, 25% of bookings are still done with the use of physical travel agencies.

Nevertheless, Morocco promises a strategy mostly based on e-tourism for its 2020 vision of tourism, one that primarily relies on signing more partnerships with European countries and IT corporations, which will provide Morocco with information system platforms such as the ones used in developed countries. There will also be an organization established that will be responsible for e-tourism in Morocco, and especially its implementation in growing areas of touristic development.

Even if Morocco is ranked as the top touristic destination in Africa with 9.3 million arrivals of international tourists in 2011 and with an increase of 0.6% from 2010 to 2011, it is still a country that isn’t advanced when it comes to the use of ICTs and e-tourism in promoting itself as a touristic destinationWith that said, we can see that the Moroccan hospitality industry, transportation industry, and mobile systems industry should all be developed in order to develop the Moroccan tourism industry as a whole.

All in all, ICTs and principally the Internet have revolutionized the tourism sector. It is almost impossible nowadays to imagine touristic projects and visions without considering the major role of ICTs and the Internet. Moreover, the Internet has facilitated prospective tourists’ and current visitors’ services, communication, and information access. Bringing a better quality of service to the tourism industry, the Internet has pulled down prices, made information widely available, and allowed sellers and buyers to connect more easily and make transactions. Morocco should make many steps toward ICT development and especially the development of the Internet for use in the tourism industry in order to achieve the features of its 2020 vision of tourism in Morocco.

References 

Bekkaoui, Z. (2008). A generic electronic marketplace platform [manuscript]: application to e-tourism/ zahia bekaoui.. (Master's thesis, Al Akhawayn University, Ifrane, Morocco), Available from Mohammed VI Library Online Catalog. (mlc.b1098520)Retrieved from ftp://its/AUI_Online_Theses/SSE-THESES/Bekaoui_Zahia_2008.pdf

Burgess, L., Parish, B., & Alcock, C. (2011). To what extent are regional tourism organizations (RTOS) in Australia leveraging the benefits of web technology for destination marketing and ecommerce?. Electronic Commerce Research, 11(03), 341 - 355. Retrieved from http://ehis.ebscohost.com/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=e3f849cf-3977-498e-a415-cda6a367feab@sessionmgr198&vid=4&hid=4211

Lahrach, Z. (2012, 06 26). E-tourisme: seuls 30% des hôtels classés au Maroc disposent d'un site internet !. La Vie Eco. Retrieved from http://www.lavieeco.com/news/economie/e-tourisme-seuls-30-des-hotels-classes-au-maroc-disposent-d-un-site-internet--22566.html

Mohamed, I., & Moradi, L. (2011). A model of e-tourism satisfaction factors for foreign tourists. Australian Journal of Basic & Applied Sciences. 5(12), 877 - 883. Retrieved from  http://ehis.ebscohost.com/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=55f38e06-e313-4948-a413-c0df2c5a7e7c@sessionmgr4002&vid=3&hid=4211

Roman, E., & Dimitrios, B. (2012). E-tourism case studies. Routledge. Retrieved from http://books.google.co.ma/books?id=4eokjrxRb0MC&printsec=frontcover&dq=e-tourism&hl=fr&sa=X&ei=tdqnUuKGFIeS0QXDmICgDg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=morocco&f=false

UNWTO. (2013). UNWTO Tourism Highlights. World Tourism Organization UNWTO, Retrieved from http://dtxtq4w60xqpw.cloudfront.net/sites/all/files/pdf/unwto_highlights13_en_hr.pdf

UNWTO. (2011). UNWTO Tourism barometer. Committed to Tourism, Travel and the Millennium Development Goals, Retrieved from  http://www.unwto.org/facts/eng/pdf/barometer/UNWTO_Barom11_iu_april_excerpt.pdf

Werthner, H., & Ricci, F. (2004). E-commerce and tourism. Communications of the ACM. 47(12), 101 - 105. Retrieved from  http://www.inf.unibz.it/~ricci/papers/werthnercacmvers2.pdf

Edited by Megan O'Donnell

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed

Teaching-Learning Culture: between Past and Present (Part 1)

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Civic education in Morocco (Halima Ouamouch)

By Dr. Azize Kour - Sale

Culture teaching has been known by different names in various places (Byram,1994,cited in Thai TESOL Bulletin, vol 11 N°1 Feb 1998). ‘Landeskunde’, in German literally means ‘knowledge of the country’, merely centres on teaching of facts that vindicate that it is teaching of ‘civilization’ not ‘culture’. In the 1950s-60s there was an emphasis on teaching geography and history as parts of language learning. The French term ‘civilization’ refers in a broad sense to the way of life and institutions of a particular country.

In the United States, the word ‘culture’ is used to refer to learning about customs and behaviours associated with the language learning, thus concentrating largely on daily life. In Britain ‘Background’ concentrates on information about customs and daily life; the phrase ‘area studies’ is also used to distinguish courses which are not devoted exclusively to literature from other courses. English departments in the colonial period ignored television, radio, speech, song, everyday narratives and were limited instead to the study of a narrow range of literary materials.

Language itself is already culture and therefore it is something of nonsense to talk about the inclusion or exclusion of culture in a foreign language curriculum. Mcleod (1976:212) made the point that “by teaching a language…one is inevitably already teaching culture implicitly”; a coming together of language and culture which Agar (1994) calls ‘Languaculture’. By speaking the language one automatically brings to the surface the culture of that language.

To speak a language effectively, one has to be able to think in that language; a thought which is extremely powerful. A person‘s mind is in a sense the centre of his identity, so if a person thinks in French in order to speak French, one can say, he has almost adopted a French identity (Brown 1994 , littlewood 1984). In the past, the most common method of presenting cultural material was exposition and explanation of facts, teachers talked at great length about the geographical environment, the history of the people, their literary, artistic and scientific achievements, the institutions of the society, and even about small details of their everyday life. These facts were shown in films and slides. Kramsch, Cain and Murphy-lejeune (1996) therefore outline historical reasons for discourse-based “culture as language and language as culture” pedagogy.

Allen (1985:138) attempts to summarize the history of culture teaching by contending that “…prior to the 1960s, the lines between language and culture were carefully drawn. The primary reason for second language study in the earlier part of this century was access to great literary masterpieces of civilization”. Flewing (1993:339) notes “It was through reading that students learned of the civilization associated with the target language”. Nostrand (1960 cited in The Internet TESL Journal “Towards Understanding of Culture in L2/FL Education) advocates the “describing and teaching the sociocultural context of a foreign language and literature”. Brooks (1968, ibid) emphasized the importance of culture not for the study of literature but for language learning.

Culture teaching must reflect the general, specific and dynamic aspects of culture in that learners should be exposed to the various aspects of the TC so that they are able to ‘function in interaction with people from cultures other than their own’(Gibson,1995:53). In the so-called traditional trend in teaching culture, emphasis was on imparting a body of knowledge about the history, geography and institutions of the target culture community.

The recently endorsed approach to teaching culture focuses on the need to help the learner develop skills and strategies conducive to intercultural competence that guide him/her to both the ‘objective’ and  the ‘subjective’ components of the target culture, as well as to the workings of intercultural communication.

Learners no longer need to judge the actions and values of others from within their own world; they have the possibility of understanding and judging from within the perspective of others and their worlds. Learners will need not only to understand the cultural influences at work in the behavior of others, but also to recognize the profound influence patterns of their own culture exert over their thoughts, activities, and their forms of linguistic expression. Culture teaching must contribute to making the contact between the two cultures bestow a ‘liberating’ experience that shuns the learner the underpinnings of ‘cultural imperialism’ and alienation. By failing to draw students’ attention to these cultural elements (language, behavior…) and to discuss their implications, the teacher allows misconceptions to develop in the students’ minds.

‘Culture’ and ‘civilization’ are not to be synonymous ‘Civilization’ included geography, history, artistic and literary achievements, political and educational and religious institutions, accomplishments in the sciences, and major philosophical concepts basic to the operation of the society. These represent the institutionalized, and frequently the metropolitan aspects of culture. ‘Culture’ in the contemporary teaching of languages includes these aspects, but much more attention is paid to everyday lifestyle of ordinary citizens and the values, beliefs and  prejudices they share with their fellows within their  linguistic and social groups with due attention to intergroup differences (of social class  for instance). Students, thus, become able to understand more fully the evolving relationship between the ‘formal culture’ (or civilization), aspects of contemporary society and the relationship and interaction between this formal culture and the deep culture of everyday living.

Culture teaching, broadly speaking, involves a comprehensive description of the way of life of a particular society which is intertwined with the teaching of language. Current pedagogy centralizes the importance of culture as context for language use. Stern  (1992 cited in TESOL Bulletin Vol11 N°1 Feb 1998) stresses “the need for a better knowledge of a country and its people as part of second language education, but also points out that instruction in foreign languages and cultures has decreased despite increased contacts with other people, cultures and countries.

Brooks (1964, ibid) strongly advocates the idea of a cultural component in the second language curriculum and emphasized an anthropological approach to the study of culture. Attempting to conceptualize culture teaching, Nostrand (1974, ibid) developed the Emergent Model Scheme which included six main categories:1-Culture: including value systems and habits of thought, 2-Society:including organizations and familial, religious, economic, educational, political and judicial institutions,3-Conflict :including interpersonal groups as well as intrapersonal conflict, 4-Ecology and Technology, including exploration of plants and animals, health care, and travel, 5-Individuals:had to do with intra/interpersonal variation and 6-Cross-cultural environment that had to do with attitudes towards other cultures and organizations. Culture teaching provides interdisciplinary courses in which students study the history, sociology, fine arts, or philosophy of the country/countries where the target language is spoken.

‘Culture’ in second and foreign language education today is clearly much more than “great” literature .This reality is reflected in current methods of language learning and teaching including the recent tapestry approach (Scarcella & Oxford,1992,ibid). Culture teaching helps students to be culturally informed so that they can effectively understand cultural messages, disambiguate them where necessary, assess their significance as signs and  images and realize the values they embody (Mountford,1995:3). Students will be able to ‘change their  view of the world by expressing their own cultural identity to the contrasting influences which the foreign culture and language might exert’(Raw,1997, cited in Ouakrime, Cultural Studies Magazine, Fez page 9).

Contrastive study of NC and TC is of great relevance in this respect. As learners strive to understand another culture, they will learn much by comparing and contrasting their own culture and its relationship to their use of their native language. The teachers of another culture are required to develop sensitivity to the attitudes of the students toward their own and other cultures, moving delicately toward attitude change where that is warranted.

Above all, native speakers and EFL teachers alike need to overcome any temptation to demonstrate the superiority of one culture over another. Teachers are not in the classroom to confirm the prejudice of their students nor to attack their deeply held convictions. For these reasons, any presentation of cultural material has preferably to be objective, analytic and informative, and hence The importance of the humanistic and affective dimensions of culture teaching which are likely to exist in an second or foreign language classroom.

Language educators cannot only work to dispel stereotypes, pockets of ignorance, and deep-seated prejudices that may exist, but rather can contribute to learners’ understanding that begins with awareness of self and leads to awareness of others. The question that is self-assertive is how much of the culture should be taught along with the language chiefly if we understand that the terms ‘target culture’ and ‘native speakers’ are challenged as being based upon a pre-global and exclusive approach to foreign language education which is becoming increasingly untenable today for language of wider communication (LWC).

To Be Continued ...

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Cultural Clash: The Islam-West Conflict (Part I)

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Cultural-Clash-The-Islam-West-Conflict-300x89

By Ezzoubeir Jabrane

Casablanca- Between the West and Islam there has been a history of tension and enmity that  dates back to the emergence of the first Arab, Muslim political state under the leadership of the Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him).

There have been continuous wars to gain, maintain, and regain power that culminated in the colonial occupation of the entire Arab and Muslim world.

In parallel to the military confrontations there has been a tradition of political and religious discourse in each entity demonizing and pathologizing the other. The contemporary reality of the relationship binding the West and Arab Muslim nations is very complex in that it consists of a plethora of elements that interplay in the creation and the preservation of tension. The fact that important parties and organizations in both poles benefit from this tension, and that remarkably insufficient efforts have been made to overcome it, is ominous foreshadowing of a bleak future.

In this article series, I shall examine the historical, cultural and psychological dimensions of this tension and how they are utilized by the two poles for political ends. This article serves to present the problem to the reader and attempts to demystify one of the most propagated misconceptions in both the West and the Arab and Muslim world, that of the Muslims' disposition and readiness to engage in violence and war.

To explain the root causes of the tense relationship between the Western world and its Muslim counterpart, we must examine certain historical facts that have been debased by the most propagated contemporary discourses that account for the motives of struggle in both entities.

In the contemporary secularized West, war for religious reasons is dismissed as a relic of irrational, uncivilized past where emotion and fanaticism ruled over reason. None of the West's wars in the past few centuries was waged under the command of the Christian church or any other religious institution in Europe or America. On the other hand, the Muslim world did not go through the historical changes that marked Europe during the Renaissance and the Enlightenment -the development of secularism- where a clear demarcation line was drawn between religion and the other spheres of life. Jihad, or holy war is greatly honored in the Muslim theological tradition.

The Islamic doctrine as drawn from the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) distinguishes between two types of jihad, the major and the minor jihad. The endeavor by the sword is considered minor compared to the endeavor to fight one's inner propensity to do evil and to come to terms with the psychological tension within the human mind. Also, Islam does not encourage Muslims to engage in wars against other nations as the current media discourse, especially in the West, claims but merely propels them to remain firm and steady if war is inescapable. The Prophet (PBUH) says: “Do not wish to meet the enemy [in wartimes] and pray Allah for wellness. But if you [had to] meet them, stand firm and mention the name of Allah …” (Sunan AL-Darimi, my translation)

The term “jihad” has gained a negative connotation in the West and even in the East it has lost its association with its most significant meaning, the endeavor of the self to gain piety and perfection; there are many reasons for this. The term has been widely used by some Muslim radical affiliations to brainwash people and incite them to wage wars against non-Muslims, or to justify anti-Western terrorist activity.

Likewise, Western politicians have used the term to describe terrorist attacks in Western countries. George W. Bush, for instance, stated a few days after 9/11 that America would launch a crusade against Islam and terrorism, implying that terrorist attacks are an act of jihad. The Western media has also contributed to sustaining this negative association with the word jihad in Western nations. It has not attempted to convey the genuine meaning of the concept in the Muslim tradition. To illustrate this biased use, we may consider how Google Translate does not offer a purely literal equivalent of the Arabic word “jihad” (such as “endeavor” or “effort” in English). This seemingly innocuous act, and many others, helps to obscure what the term actually means, and helps spread the negative, reductive misconception.

Islam does not regard the non-Muslim as the “other” who should be forced to conform to Islamic standards, but calls for transcending the confessional divergences between Muslims and non-Muslims, and considers the common aspects unifying all humans: “Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear from Error: whoever rejects evil and believes in Allah hath grasped the most trustworthy hand-hold, that never breaks. And Allah heareth and knoweth all things.”(Holy Quran, Chapter 2, verse 256. Yusuf Ali Translation) Violence is alien to the Islamic faith just as much as it is to Christianity, Judaism and other confessions while diversity according to Islam is but an opportunity for continuous learning and mutual exchange: “O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you. Indeed, Allah is Knowing and Acquainted”. (Holy Quran, Chapter 49, Verse 13. Sahih International translation.)

To be continued..

Edited by Jessica Rohan

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

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The Five Habits of Highly Effective Teachers

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Education in Morocco

By Abdelouahed Oulgout

Tinejdad, Morocco - Growing professionally as a highly effective teacher is not that easy. It is a matter of struggle, patience, and commitment to improve one’s potentials and capacities. When young teachers embark on teaching, they usually feel excited and internally motivated.

Yet, as time passes, those boiling feelings of passion and fondness start getting colder and colder, dragging down a large community of teachers and educators to the lowest level. Such degradation is often embodied in the feelings of boredom, passivity, and laziness; and it reflects negatively on the educational process in particular, and on the educational system as a whole. On the other hand, a few teachers keep their motivational signals twinkling, trying all the best to grow personally and professionally. Throwing a quick glance at the reality of both communities helps you dispel the fog over the secret habits which can make you so effective. This op-ed article comes to accentuate five habits effective teachers apply in their life-long career.

1- Think reflectively:

Reflective thinking is the process of thinking critically by making use of your cognitive skills and strategies to reach the desired outcomes of your plans and prospects. Some refer to it as directed thinking because it is an outcome-oriented process through which you meet some specific aims or work out certain issues and challenges. That is, to teach effectively, you must think reflectively. Reflection also means thinking back over your past experiences for better performance and achievement in the future. This is not to say that reflective thinking is a mere processing of thoughts and past memories. On the contrary, it is an actual demonstration of your impressions, feelings, and thoughts, embodied in the form of reports, polls, or surveys to address a critical teaching or learning situation. In short, reflective thinking is the mental processing of your experiences for the purpose of refining and perfecting your future choices, plans and behavior.

2- Go beyond the norms

It is a shame on a teacher today to go on one boring recipe or diet in such a free and runaway world. The curse of white stones and black boards is as much primitive as the way of life during the Stone Age when people used stones as implements by which to solve a variety of problems and realize a number of achievements. Today, a large number of teachers still live under such a dusty world, unwilling to get rid of textbook slavery and dark dungeons. It is true that teachers in Morocco are compelled to try such primitive tools and cope with the restless but stagnant reality of our education, yet they have numerous and renewing opportunities for freedom and change.

Going beyond the norms of the primitive traditions of education calls for the effective use of the new technologies. The latter, if used appropriately, empowers teachers to vary their tools, overcome their problems, and increase their students’ desire for learning. A computer, be it a laptop or a desktop, is a must-have machine for every teacher. Thanks to it, one can devise his own ELT materials: handouts, visuals, learning apps, interactive lessons and quizzes…etc. Besides, the new educational technologies enable teachers to create their personalized or professional interactive environments, such as virtual classrooms, where they can share all that stuff with their students and fellow teachers. Going beyond the old-fashioned borders (ways and tools) of teaching is a must for every teacher willing to keep apace of the new trends in modern education.

3- Plan creatively

Planning is the process of connecting theory to practice. It is also the process during which a lesson success or failure is planned. For that reason, a teacher must consider five crucial qualities while planning a lesson: theoretical awareness, intelligence, creativity, imagination and expectation. These, I believe, are the key elements of effective lesson planning, because they are all about envisioning your lesson/session, from opening to closing, before it is done. Such a process allows you to predict any potential situation and devise the necessary ways and means to treat it. A plan also embodies a particular learning model. Be it a PPP model (Presentation, Practice, and Production), an OHE model (Observation, Hypothesis, and Experimentation) or a 5 Es learning cycle model (Engagement, Exploration, Explanation, Elaboration, and Evaluation), your creative touches must stamp your plans and elevate your performance.

4- Stay online

Keep abreast of the new events and innovations in the field of education, and put into practice anything you think is interesting to update yourself and better your job. Never rely on anyone to break to you the news or keep you updated with the global changes in education. Take the initiative by yourself and surf frequently in the net for news related to the branches of teaching and learning (methods and approaches, classroom management, Information and Communication Technology, assessment and evaluation, values education…etc). To stay online does not mean to set your Facebook status online so that your colleagues will acquaint you with the news, nor does it mean to wait for the Ministry of Education to issue new circulars or notices; it rather means navigating over numerous official webs specializing in the field of education and exploring the latest reports, surveys, polls, studies, and experiments. Be it by searching in the net or by attending pedagogical meetings, updating one’s knowledge and practices is of paramount importance to catch up with the latest developments in your job.

5- Be productive

Don’t just consume what others produce. This is why a computer is a must-have machine for every teacher. Learn to develop and adapt your own materials using a variety of computer applications. Learn to use Microsoft applications such as Office Word, Office PowerPoint, and Office Publisher to devise your teaching materials (handouts, lesson summaries, graphics, tasks, web pages, brochures, booklets, flyers…etc). Try Hot Potatoes, Wondershare quiz creator, ispring quiz maker, or Ispring Presenter to create lively interactive quizzes and courses. Learn to use Adobe Flash Professional to build communicative animations/situations for your students. Organize and integrate all that content into an auto-run compact disk (CD) application, and put it at your students’ disposal. Do all you can, but don’t just consume what others produce.

These are enough habits to make you so productive, updated, creative, open, and reflective; so take the initiative and develop more good habits to make the best of teaching. All the best!

Gender inequality and the recent reforms of Moudawana in Morocco

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Moudawana in Morocco

Fez - After many years of struggle by women’s organizations, the situation of women in Morocco has improved, thanks to the adoption of several reforms.

During the last two decades, Moroccan women have been calling for equal rights between men and women. Their efforts have given birth to many triumphs and contributed to the improvement of the status of women in Morocco. Theoretically, Morocco has some of the most improved laws for women’s rights in the Arab world. However, these new laws are not applicable throughout Morocco, especially in rural areas.

Starting from the 1990s, women’s struggle for reforms achieved a concrete victory and began to gain momentum. Conducted by the Union of Women’s Action (UAF), a petition calling for the reform of the Personal Status Code and Sharia-based family law collected signatures of one million women. This petition demanded the government to sign the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and to use its articles to amend the country’s Moudawana (the official family code that dictates the roles and relationships between men and women within the family). Consequently, Morocco ratified the CEDAW in 1993, but with a number of reservations. Moreover, during the last decade, the Moroccan government introduced more reforms to the Personal Status Code.

The terrorist attacks in Casablanca in 2003 represented an opportunity for the Moroccan government to reform the Moudawana, in spite of the objection of the Islamist leaders and the accusations that the king introduced these reforms under pressures from the European Union and the United States. Despite the fact that the reforms scored a victory for the Moroccan women movements, Islamists, including women, strongly opposed those reforms. The spokeswoman of Justice and Charity Islamic Movement, Nadia Yassine, described the reforms as representing the interests of foreigners and international feminist movements, rather than the legitimate will of the Moroccan people.

The reformed version of the Moudawana grants men and women equal rights within the family. Husbands and wives now have equivalent rights in house management, family planning, children upbringing, and legal cohabitation. The legal minimum age for marriage for both men and women is 18 years (it was previously 15 years for women). Special cases of marriage under that age now require permission from a judge. Also the free consent of both spouses is now required by law and women no longer need permission from a male guardian to marry.

The Moudawana does not entirely prohibit polygamy, but rather includes measures that make it very complicated. Those who want to marry another wife must obtain a judge’s permission and provide a documentary evidence of their financial situation. They must also certify that all their wives will receive equal treatment, and that their first wife (or wives) has given her approval. Since the reforms were introduced, the number of new polygamous marriages has decreased. Furthermore, the new family code eradicated the concept of repudiation (that is to say, the husband’s right to unilaterally divorce his wife) and gave women the right to divorce on the same grounds as men.

Morocco further amended the Family Code in 2007 by passing the Nationality Code, which granted Moroccan women married to foreigners the right to pass on their citizenship to their children. In the past, only fathers possessed this right.

Dr. Khalid Bekkaoui recently conducted a survey on 1,271 respondents who belong to different parts of Morocco. When asked their opinion about the Moudawana, the respondents’ answers were as follows:

chart 1 The answers do not show big differences, but they show that the majority of respondents do not have positive opinions about the Moudawana. They think that it has caused gender conflicts and social problems. However, a significant number of respondents, about one third, have positive attitudes towards the Moudawana, stressing the fact that it has given women more independence and made them more powerful. The large number of respondents who have negative opinions about the reforms of the Moudawana could be related to the fact that Morocco is still a patriarchal society, which refuses to reach equality between men and women. Women in the countryside are subordinated to their husbands and fathers; they have no agency. They are not even aware of their legal rights. The majority of them have no idea about these reforms.

In other questions about whether respondents think that women can be efficient political leaders, efficient ministers, and whether they can issue fatwa, the majority of the respondents (around two thirds) responded with “yes”. That is to say, they think that women can be good political and religious leaders. The following chart shows their answers:

chart2

This shows that Moroccans have positive opinions about women; they think that women, like men, can be good leaders. However, some Moroccans, as the survey shows, have negative opinions about the reforms of the Moudawana. They probably think that the Moudawana has deviated from religious teachings concerning the relationship between men and women and the reforms of the Moudawana have deprived men from some of the rights that religion has given them. Another reason could be related to the fact that some people (especially Islamists) think the reforms of the Moudawana were imposed by Europe and the U.S. , and therefore serve external agendas.

When the Arab Spring reached Morocco, the February 20 Movement, which led the protests against the Moroccan political system and demanded reforms from the part of the King, included several women activists. In March 2011, the Government Agenda for Equality was ratified, and on June 17, King Mohamed VI expressed support for a constitutional reform that would enhance the separation of powers in government and support gender equality. The referendum outlining these reforms took place on July 1, and passed with 98% of the Moroccan electorate. The new Constitution prohibits gender based discrimination and adopts new laws that reinforce gender equality in fundamental rights and freedoms.It offers protection of individual rights and gives special recognition to women’s rights. Article 19, for instance, entitled “Honor for Moroccan Women,” makes men and women equal citizens under the law; specifically, it grants men and women equal social, economic, political and civil rights. It also created the “Authority for Equality and the Fight Against All Forms of Discrimination,” charged with the function of putting into practice the constitutional recognition of equal rights. For the women’s rights movement, at least on paper, this event represented a long-awaited realization of twenty years of activism.

While these major reforms have been applauded by feminists in Morocco and other countries, women’s movements are still working hard to ensure the implementation of these reforms throughout the different parts of the country, and to call for additional legal changes. Recently, ADFM (Association Democratique des Femmes du Maroc) launched the campaign “Equality Without Reservation,” a regional campaign to compel the government to respect all the rights enshrined in the CEDAW. The biggest challenge to the women’s movements has been the inability to integrate these reforms throughout the country.

So although the Constitution has allowed some progress in theory, there hasn’t been much difference in practice, especially in rural areas. The ongoing obstacle of women’s illiteracy implies that a substantial number of Moroccan women are unaware of the efforts being waged on their behalf by their educated and mobilized counterparts, and they remain oblivious to their newly gained rights.

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Teacher of the Future: Challenges of Self-Development and Stakes in Academic Knowledge

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Moroccan students in Casablanca

Rabat - Undoubtedly, the teacher plays a fundamental and central role in the life of the child and in the future of the Ummah [community] in general.

The teacher provides him or her with science, knowledge, morals, behaviour, belief and ambition, as they spend almost eight hours a day together full of activity, vitality, and vigour. These hours are longer than those the child spends with his parents and relatives. Accordingly, the teacher holds the position of the fundamental educator, the first teacher, and the central actor in the life and upbringing of the child. If the teacher is good, the child and the society should be good, because the “industry” of the educated, responsible and believing person is the cornerstone of the edification of society, civilization, culture and the future. In the words of the prince of poets, Ahmed Shawqi, the teacher is therefore really a prophet:

Rise in reverence for the teacher

The teacher is almost like a prophet,

Do you know any more honourable and venerable person than

The one who builds up and brings up spirits and minds?

Praise be to you my God, the best teacher

Who taught with the pen the first centuries,

You brought this mind out of its darkness

And guided it to the path of enlightenment,

And marked it in teacher touch

Sometimes rusty, sometimes acute.(1)

To overcome the several challenges facing it now and in the future and to guarantee its continuity as an active and interactive civilization and culture, the Arab Islamic world should reconsider its educational paradigm, especially its three main elements: the teacher, the learner, and the curriculum, with special attention to the teacher, who is the driving force of the educational system in its totality.

The time of the “teacher-lion,” of whose roar children were afraid and seized by a violent fear when he appeared in the classroom or in the street, is over. With this type of traditional teacher, the educational strategy was based on overpowering and despotic authority and unfair parenthood, while providing a huge bulk of impractical information to the child, encouraging him or her to memorize and then reciting the material as proof that he or she had learned them, whereas in fact the child had neither understood nor benefited from its content.

One of the causes of the failure of this educational system throughout history is that the accumulation of information for the child in this traditional, authoritarian and non-interactive environment led to the production of cognitive “clichés,” instead of producing knowledge in the true meaning of the word. This led the Arab Islamic world to lag behind the progress of civilization due to the scientific and technological backwardness and made of it a mere consumer of immediately available technology without playing any role in its development.

Effective education is associated more with the psychological characteristics of the teacher than with the cognitive characteristics. Purposeful interaction influences despotic authority and aims at developing the personality of the teacher through eradicating his  or her educational and psychological illiteracy so that the teacher becomes a “knowledge facilitator” instead of merely an “information provider.

Today the learner can receive all the information he or she needs through the internet, the mass media, and television, as well as through the other technological means available in the age of scientific influx and digital revolution. The learner remains, nonetheless, in need of a teacher to accompany him or her in the learning process and facilitate the extraction of scientific and functional knowledge from the huge bulk of information received inside and outside the school.

The teacher of the future is required to face the educational challenges with determination, firmness and professionalism. He or she should also face the information influx with perseverance, wisdom and rationality, through lifelong continuing training, “the teachers lifelong learning,” to preserve “teaching fitness.” The teacher is further required to have appropriate capabilities that enable him or her to adjust to the educational new developments, keep abreast of the age, and improve his or her teaching means and methods.

The present paper aims at studying thoroughly the teacher of the future and discovering the professional obligations, knowledge rights, and ways to reconsider teacher training so that the teacher meets the knowledge needs of his or her age and becomes a main actor in the process of sustainable development.

The educational process is an interactive process 

The Arab Islamic educational system was characterized in previous ages by the provision of knowledge to students without any interaction.  In other words, the educational process  was mono-oriented, or basically non-interactive and not based at all on the  use of feedback to redress or correct flaws that could mar the transmission of knowledge either at the level of full comprehension or through assimilation leading to good usage and better exploitation of the information. This system, in terms of philosophy and form, did not enable the learner to use his critical thinking in the discussion of knowledge transmitted to him in order to better understand and use it. Therefore, the knowledge received through the educational process remained a passive knowledge rather than an active knowledge, leading in the long term to disfunction and failures in the entire educational system such as failing school or juvenile delinquency.

This non-interactive educational system led to “the pedagogy of preaching (2) that produced generations of “preaching” teachers who mastered the technique of cramming  “knowledge merchandise” into learners’ heads through memorization and recitation by rote, providing for it to be returned to its owners, as is, in the exam at the end of the academic year.

The “preaching” teacher reduced the educational process to the following steps, characterized by the predominance of quantity over quality:

- Listening: not interrupting or trying to discuss the method of instruction or the content, and any attempt in this regard is considered disobedience toward the teacher to be severely punished.

- Memorization and storing: storing knowledge faithfully and giving it back complete upon request, without adding any personal touches thereto such as critical thinking or creative production.

- Submission: not arguing the teachers educational choices and method of performance, even if the purpose is to better assimilate the subject taught.

- Parroting: teaching using the method of repetition and imitation without encouraging the personal initiative of the learner so as (a) to give him an outlet for his creative and cognitive energies or (b) to prompt him to rely on critical thinking.   

- Guidance: relying on the method of preaching and guidance in the transmission of knowledge while disregarding the psychological aspects of the teaching/learning process.

The “pedagogy of preaching” may have yielded good results in the past because education was characterized by encyclopedic knowledge through acquiring knowledge of wide variety of subjects. However, things have greatly changed in the present, and attention is now given more to scientific specialization while taking into account personal inclinations. Furthermore, the educational process is based today on child psychology, mental development, encouragement of creativity, the refining of a student’s talents, and many other things.

The world, as McLuhan predicted it last century in the 1950s, has become a planetary village thanks to amazing scientific progress. Science has reduced distances at both the temporal level and the geographic-spatial level. Jet planes and spacecrafts can transport the person from one place to another in a short period, and the computer can carry out millions of sophisticated operations as quick as lightning. Thanks to the internet, information, sound and image can be exchanged instantly and directly. We should keep in mind as well that the spreading globalization has really broken barriers and borders among nations and peoples, either positively or negatively, and made the world a single and unified space.

With these amazing changes, the teaching process in the Arab Islamic world cannot remain stagnant. It has to imitate the civilized world in its methods and means to guarantee the survival of civilization and the progress and prosperity of humanity. This cannot be achieved without reconsidering the philosophy, content and spirit of the educational system.

It is time to move to the interactive educational system in its form and content. It will guarantee to the teacher the fulfillment of the expected results of his or her arduous efforts and further encouragement to progress in his or her great civilizing action.  Moreover, it will guarantee to the learner a better yield and brighter future, and ensure more fluidity in the educational process.

Believing in the importance of the philosophy of interaction in the 1960s and its positive repercussions on the educational process, American educators applied the concept to all fields of education and training, starting with the teaching of languages to non-native speakers. They created for that purpose a method called Community Language Learning (CLL). It is based on an important  Anglo-Saxon principle, which considers the “patron” a high-ranking person whose needs must be fulfilled. The patron in this equation is the learner; the teacher becomes a facilitator of the teaching process. As opposed to traditional teaching methods, the learners sit in a form of circle while the teacher stands outside this circle. The course is not based on a topic that has been already drawn up by the teacher, but every learner can learn whatever he wants in the focal language according to his personal or professional needs. He pronounces a word in his mother tongue and the teacher translates it to the language to be learned, utters its syllables and writes it on the blackboard in the common phonetic alphabet and so forth. At the end of the dialogue, each learner repeats the sentences he has produced. Then the teacher explains the grammatical aspects of the dialogue and uses them through exercises with flash cards.

The purpose of putting the teacher/facilitator outside this circle is mainly to break the stereotypical image of the teacher/lion or the teacher/despot that conflicts with the principles of educational psychology. Regarding this educational method, hearing the voice of the teacher in the back facilitates the learning process, whereas seeing him complicates things psychologically, bearing in mind that the older the learner is the more he or she finds himself subjected to supreme vulnerability in educational situations. Thus, the teacher should be put outside the circle of the learners. Because of the success of this educational method, many schools have adopted it throughout the world with a slight difference: the circle has been replaced by a semicircle for practical reasons.

Notes and Bibliography 

Shawqi, Ahmed. 1988. Al-Shawqiyat. Beirut: Dar Al-Awdah.

Ahmed Ahdouthen. 2003. “The Educational Discourse in Morocco”. Knowledge for Everybody 28. (Rabat, Morocco: Ramsis Publishing,) p. 130.

Tariq Ali Al-Habib. 2003. “Implanting Psychological Understanding in the Teacher,” a paper presented at the Eleventh Symposium of Educational Leaders. Jazan [Kingdom of Saudi Arabia], 1-3 Muharram 1424 A.H, 2003 AD.

Mohammed Bin Ahmed Al-Rashid, 2003. “The Teacher in a Renewed Age”. Al-Maarifa n° 95. p. 7.

Al-Maarifa n° 70. 2001. p. 32.

Ammar Bakkar. 2001. “Teaching Creativity… and the Quality of Excellence”. Al-Maarifa n° 70. p. 45.

Sharabi, Hisham. 1991. Introductions to Study the Arab Society. (4th edition), Beirut: Dar al-Talia.

Barakat, Halim. 1984. Contemporary Arab Society: a Social Investigation Research. Beirut: the Centre of Arab Unity Studies. Beirut: Lebanon.

Mohammed Sadiq Mohammed Hassan. 2002. “Authoritarianism … Causes and Therapy”. Education n° 140. pp. 82-83.

Ibid, pp. 84-85.

Adas, Mohammed Abdurrahim. 1996. The Effective Teacher and Efficient Teaching. Amman: Dar Al-Fikr for Publishing and Distribution.

Khalil al-Khalili and Nasr Maqabla. 1990. “A Developmental Study to Assess the Tendencies Related to the Teaching Profession”. Al-Yarmuk Research Magazine, Vol.6, n° 1. pp. 59-80.

Tellefson, N. 1974. “Selected Student Variables and Perceived Teacher Effectiveness”. Education 94. pp. 30-35.

Turner, G. 1991. “Preparing Successful Teachers for Urban School”. Gateways to Teacher Education. Vol. 4, n° 1. pp.28-37.

Zaydan, Hamam Badrawi. 1988. “Teacher’s Qualifications in the light of some Tasks of the Teaching Profession”. Education. pp. 59-66.

Al Kawadiri, Sabah Ahmed. 1985. “The Successful Teacher”. Education 16. pp. 69-71.

Baron, E. et. al. 1992. “Collaborative Urban Education: Characteristics of Successful Urban Teachers”. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Association of School Administrators. San Diego, California, February 21-24, 1992.        

Vincent, G. 1974. Le peuple lycéen: enquête sur les élèves de lenseignement secondaire. Paris : France.

Morrison, A. ; D. McIntyre. 1975. Profession enseignant : Une psychosociologie de lenseignement. Armand Colin. Paris : France.  P.151.

Omar, Sheikh. 2002. “The Teacher we want for the 21st Century”. The Jordanian School and the Challenges of the 21st Century. Abdulhamid Shuman Institution. Amman: Jordan. P.99.

Idem.

Al-Khabti, Ali Ben Saleh. 2002. “A Developmental Approach of Teachers’ Self-Development: the Model of Teachers’ Lifelong Learning”. A paper presented at the 11th Meeting of Educational Leaders. Jazan: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 1-3 Muharram 1424 A.H. 2003 AD.

OECD. 2002. Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers. OECD Country Representatives Meeting. Paris, March 2002.

Idem, n° 21.

Al Ibrahim, Ibrahim Abderrazaq. 2002. “Education in the Age of Globalization: Educational Basics to Interact with Life Process”. Education 140. p.139.

Hamdan, Mohammed Zayd. 2002. “New Suggested Programmes to Train Teachers in the Academic Specialities by the Means of Contemporary Multimedia Technology”. Education 140. p.150.

Idem. p.151.      

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed.


The Tripolitan War through the 2011-U.S. Intervention in Libya

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the 2011-U.S. Intervention in Libya. Obama

By Othman Ouaarab

Casablanca - As the end of the eighteenth century approached, the region of North Africa, known as the Barbary States at that time, was undergoing many changes. The key word that is associated with this period is piracy. The term Barbary was derived from the Berber-speaking people who originally inhabited the region. The Barbary States refer to president-day Morocco, Algiers, Tunisia (then Tunis) and Libya (then Tripoli). The economy of these Barbary States was based on piracy, tributes paid by the countries whose ships were captured off the Mediterranean coasts and ransom for the crews of those ships.

The Mediterranean region served as a battleground for many centuries. In 1551, the Ottoman Empire stretched its rule to North Africa. Piracy existed in the region centuries before the arrival of the Turks. A pirate of note was Khair Ed-ddine, once an admiral in the Turkish fleet, was one of the prominent pirates at the time; he was nicknamed Barbarossa. With his aid the Ottomans took over Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli and appointed governors in each state; the Dey in Algiers, the Bey in Tunis, and the Basha in Tripoli. Earlier, in 1492, Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain took over Granada and expelled the Moors heading to North Africa. Some of them joined the pirates, both to earn their living and to take revenge on their Spanish oppressors.

Also, the Mediterranean area was strategically important to trade for centuries, especially European. This trade was characterized by the vast number of merchant ships from all over Europe. The pirates took advantage of this prolific trading by capturing merchant vessels and extorting money from their European owners. Many of these owners had no choice but to relent to the pirate’s demands and aggressions. Although the French attempted to put an end to this barbaric practice, ultimately they failed because the Barbary States were heavily fortified. In addition, the rivalry among the European countries prevented them from combining their efforts against the Barbary States; therefore, they signed treaties with these states. These treaties contained terms for the amounts of money and presents to be delivered annually to provide peace within the region and for the trade routes.

In 1775, the U.S took its independence from Great Britain. Soon after the latter recognized the independence of America, the American ships were no longer under the protection of Great Britain in the Mediterranean. Thereafter, the American ships were exposed to the danger and malice of the pirates.

As a new nation, the United States was seeking recognition from European countries of its independence. Morocco was the first country to recognize the sovereignty of the U.S. The emperor of Morocco, Mohamed Bin Abdellah, tried in vain to persuade the Americans to enter into a treaty of peace and friendship. It was not until the Moroccans, under the order of the Sultan, captured the American ship, the Betsey, that the Americans started to consider the offer of the Emperor of Morocco. With pressure from the Emperor, the Americans relented and entered into an agreement allowing their ships to sail safely within the waters of Morocco; as did ships from European countries with which Morocco was at peace.

Following the capture of the Betsey, Algiers, in 1785, seized two American ships; the Dauphin and the Maria. Faced with severe economic problems, the U.S could not afford the ransom the Dey of Algiers demanded to conclude the peace treaty. It is worthy to note, that during the 1780’s, the U.S Congress, operating under the Articles of Confederation, and without a president, could afford ill afford these types of payments. However, with the adoption of The Constitution in 1790, the country’s financial status improved. The United States then started building its own navy as a safeguard against the European powers.

By the end of the year 1796, the U.S. had entered into peace agreements with all the Barbary States. And, in following the example of the Europeans, established their own consuls in the states of North Africa. As a newly independent nation, the U.S engaged in the Quasi-War with France from 1798, until 1800. Luckily, for the U.S., the frigates the Congress authorized were just launched and used against the French. The U.S, however, walked out of this war exhausted, especially financially, and found it difficult to meet its promised demands for the Barbary States. Thomas Jefferson, the president of the U.S., preferred to meet the pirates with force and preserve the “nation’s honor” rather than succumb to their “humiliations.” At this time, the Basha of Tripoli, Yusef Qaramanli, started urging America to fulfill its promises. This issue led to what is known as the Tripolitan War.

Tripolitan War

Tripolitania, inArabic ?ar?bulus, is the region that now comprises the north-western part of Libya. In the seventh century BC, the Phoenicians established three colonies in the region: Labqi (Leptis Magna, modern Labdah), Oea (Tripoli) and Sabratha (?abr?tah). These colonies then collectively took the late Roman name Tripolitania (“Three Cities”). It was invaded by various civilizations: the Phoenicians, the Romans, the Vandals, the Byzantine Greeks, the Arabs, the Spaniards, the Turks and the Qaramanli dynasty in 1711, under the sovereignty of the Ottomans (Encyclopedia Britannica).

Ahmad Qaramanli solidified his position as the Basha of Tripoli and established a hereditary rule. In 1793, Tripoli embroiled in a civil war, where the youngest son, Yusef Qaramanli, of the ruler Ali Qaramanli, expressed his yearning for power. Three years earlier, in 1790, Yusef assassinated his older brother Hassan Qaramanli. The Ottomans took advantage of these circumstances and recaptured Tripoli. The Basha and his son, Ahmad Qaramanli, sought refuge in Tunis, while Yusef remained in Tripoli. The Basha and Ahmad led a Tripolitan-Tunisian army and restored the throne by 1795. Few months later, in the same year, Yusef deposed his brother, Ahmad, who assumed the throne after the expulsion of Ali.

The writing and interpretation of this history is replete with problems and moreover, its rewriting or revisiting is even more problematic. The Tripolitan War (1801-1805), is a prime example of this issue. There are at least two versions for this story. The first, the American version, although there are versions within the same version, maintains that the cause of this war was the Basha of Tripoli, Yusef Qaramanli. However, the second version, Kola Folayan’s version, which is dealt with here, attributes the war to the Americans.

When Yusef Basha signed the treaty with the U.S in 1796, he insisted, beside the tributes, that the U.S send its consul to Tripoli. The treaty was negotiated with the assistance of the Dey of Algiers, to whom they both agreed to refer in the event of future disputes. The Adams’ administration thought that Tripoli was subordinate to Algiers. However, Yusef Basha considered the Dey of Algiers, nothing more than a mediator.

Due to a harsh weather, the American consul, James Leander Cathcart, did not arrive in Tripoli until 1799. Yusef Basha complained about the delay of the tributes agreed upon and he threatened that he would declare a war on the U.S.

In 1800, the Quasi-War between the U.S. and France was ended. A year later, Thomas Jefferson assumed office. The Congress decided to sell most of their frigates and ships. Jefferson found himself facing a dilemma. He was for using force against the pirates, but he had some reservations concerning the navy. Another problem he had at the time, was coping with his rivals. They were accusing him of cowardice, as it was the Congress which had the right to declare war.

Despite all these issues, Jefferson sent the first squadron of ships to the Mediterranean, under the command of Commodore Richard Dale, with the instructions to protect American commerce. No sooner had Dale reached Gibraltar, than he found the Tripolitan navy already there. Yusef Basha had already declared war on the U.S. on May 14, 1801. For a year, Dale succeeded in his blockade of Tripoli and in 1802, he returned home.

On February 6, 1802, the Congress authorized Jefferson to use force against the pirates. He, therefore, sent another squadron. Although the squadron was stronger than the first, it proved to be an utter failure, owing to Captain Richard Valentine Morris’s bad conduct.

By the year 1803, the U.S. navy grew in strength. This hardening was due to their unprecedented ship and gunboat designs. Jefferson now needed a highly qualified commander for the third squadron. His choice was Captain Edward Preble. Under the command of Captain Preble, many accomplishments were achieved. He blockaded and heavily bombarded Tripoli. He was simply the hero of the Americans and a grand teacher. He taught the officers, known as “Preble’s boys,” under his authority, how to fight. They were the heroes of the War of 1812, and put an end to the Barbary pirates. Yet, his operations were handicapped by the capture of one of their best ships which ran aground, the Philadelphia. Realizing that its recovery was impossible, Preble ordered Stephen Decatur, in 1804, to burn it.

When the news of the Philadelphia reached out to the U.S., Jefferson assigned a fourth squadron of ships to Captain Samuel Barron, who was as successful as Morris. After all of these naval operations, the U.S. opted for a more diplomatic way to achieve its goals. The former U.S. consul to Tunis, William Eaton, and Yusef’s brother, Ahmad Qaramanli, formed an army of mercenaries, with a few marines, and marched from Egypt to Derne, which they seized in 1805.

Yusef Basha now felt threatened and signed a treaty which was favorable to the U.S. Eaton, waiting for more supplies from the U.S. army, so that he could capture Tripoli, received an order of evacuation instead. Hence, the peace treaty was concluded with Tripoli, and the U.S. was the victor of the war. This is, more or less, the American version of the Tripolitan War.

The Nigerian, Kola Folayan (1972), however, offers another version of these events. His analysis of the war was based upon the viewpoint of Tripoli, rather than that of America. For him, it is not only that America failed in its naval operations against Tripoli, but the success of the Tripolitan defense was achieved thanks to four main factors.

Firstly, Tripoli was morally and materially supported by the Barbary States of Morocco, Algiers and Tunis, as ‘brothers in faith’. Beside Tripoli, the three states agreed that the U.S. paid little or no regard to its commitments to them. Secondly, Tripoli was the exporter of the slaves to these states and the importer of their grain, among other provisions. This commercial chain, among these states, was threatened by America. In order to preserve their economy, they had to act against the U.S. Thirdly, the European policies towards the commercial links with Tripoli, helped the latter in its cause. Tripoli’s trade with Malta was immune from the American attack due to these policies. This trade helped the Basha to support his army and bolster his economy, which would otherwise go bankrupt. The final factor that contributed to the Tripolitan success, was the navy of Tripoli itself. On the one hand, it “made mockery of the American blockade,” and resisted the heavy bombardments on Tripoli, due to its officers’ dedication. On the other hand, since its establishment, it raised funds for the Basha and prevented starvation during the war, which would have led to surrender.

Folayan concludes by stating the significance of the outcome of this war. First, Tripoli had emerged as an international power in the Barbary coasts. Second, the Basha preserved his reign and dynasty. And lastly, Tripoli avoided a political coup, which threatened its independence, and which would have made room for an early American establishment in North Africa, before France imperialism.

The U.S intervention in Libya (2011)

In February, 2011, people began protesting against the Libyan regime which answered by the use of force. On February 15, 2011, Qaddafi arrested the human rights lawyer, Fathi Terbil Salwa, and the novelist, Idriss al-Mesmari. This incident incited even more protesters raise their voices against the regime. By February 20, 2011, Human Rights Watch announced that 233 people were dead; the number, however, is not accurate (Prashad, 2012). Most of the dead were from Benghazi, which was seized by the rebels on the same day. The Libyans formed the National Transitional Council (NTC) on February 27. With the situation in Libya worsening, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1973, on March 17, in support of that which is referred to as R2P - “responsibility to protect.” This resolution allowed member states to take “all necessary measures… to protect civilians and civilian-populated areas.” Resolution 1973’s establishment, was for the protection of civilians, an arms embargo and to impose a travel ban on Qaddafi and his regime members. On March 19, the US/NATO forces commenced their military operations, initiated by Operation Odyssey Dawn (OOP), with a six week bombardment on Qaddafi’s military infrastructure. Three days later, China, Russia and India called for a ceasefire, suggesting that the allied forces violated the UN’s mandate, which was to protect civilians, by exposing those same civilians to danger. Consequently, NATO assumed the responsibility from the U.S. for the U.N’s mandate on March 24. One day later, the United States imposed sanctions on Libya, closed its embassy there and began the evacuation of its citizens. Both parties agreed on ceasefire, but they disagreed over the terms. Qaddafi maintained that the US/NATO should stop the bombings, whereas, for the NTC, ceasefire was not possible with Qaddafi in power. The ouster of Qaddafi, however, was swift. The rebels entered Tripoli on August 21, thus ending Qaddafi’s rule over Libya, with his whereabouts unknown. On October 20, he was captured and killed in his hometown, Sirte. At this point, the future of Libya opened for all possibilities!

Since Qaddafi seized power in 1969, and before 2011, the American-Libyan relations were a constant hotbed of tension. The King Idriss, in 1953, signed a treaty with the British, whereby they were allowed to maintain their bases in the eastern Libya. The following year, the U.S. joined Britain with its Wheelus Air Base just outside Tripoli. “The cost,” writes Vishay Prashad, in his Arab Spring, Libyan Winter (2012), “was modest, $7 million and 24,000 tons of wheat as a down-payment and an annual rent of $4 million.” No sooner had Qaddafi assumed power than he reclaimed sovereignty over the established bases in Libya. Many other incidents, that were not in favor of the two countries relations, ensued.

At the onset of the Arab Spring in Libya, the U.S. recognized a chance to get rid of the aching tooth. On March 16, President Obama, announced that if Qaddafi was not stopped, “the words of the international community would be rendered hollow.” George W. Bush used the same argument against Saddam Hussein. Obama insisted that Qaddafi should go, and “go for good.” Yet, the U.S. needed a cover for its intervention in Libya. It reconstructed the idea of “humanitarian intervention” that it used to sustain its reputation in Iraq, and made a pretext of it. But, the question is why would the U.S. care so much about Libya? And why should this “humanitarian intervention” take the form of an attack? The answer comes from Francis A. Boyle’s Destroying Libya And World Order (2013) quoting the Arab Strategy Forum in Dubai, U.A.E. (13 December 2004):

The United States government will seek direct military control and domination of the hydrocarbon resources of the Arab and Muslim world until there is no oil and gas left for them to steal, using Israel as its regional “policeman” towards that end. Oil and Israel were behind both the Bush Sr. and Bush Jr. wars against Iraq. And now Bush Jr. is threatening to attack Syria, Lebanon, and Iran in conjunction with the genocidal apartheid regime in Israel. As the oil and gas in the Arab and Muslim world proceed to run out, the United States and Israel will become even more predatory, aggressive, destructive, and genocidal toward Arab and Muslim states and peoples…

Libya is not strategically as vital to the U.S., as it is to Europe, but its space provides the U.S. with many worries about its interests in North Africa. Qaddafi, Boyle argues, is an anti-imperialist and an anti-colonist. He supported the Palestinians against Israel, and put the hydrocarbon wealth, in the service of the African countries, for their benefit against imperialism. This is not in the interest of the U.S., as long as Libya provides America with a central space that will enable America to better dominate over the region and extend its agenda southward to other African countries.

It is no wonder that the U.S/NATO violated the UN’s mandate, enforcing a “no fly-zone” over Tripoli. On April 30, the U.S/NATO forces attacked Qaddafi’s compound, killing three of his grandchildren. The U.S/NATO raged war against Qaddafi himself, not to protect civilians; their objective was to change the regime. As a result, Amr Moussa, Secretary General of the Arab League, complained: “What is happening in Libya differs from the aim of imposing a no-fly zone, and what we want is the protection of civilians and not the bombardment of more civilians”. These operations were better explained by Mahmood Mamdani, quoted by Vijay Prashad, saying that United Nations' Resolution was "central to the process of justification, it is peripheral to the process of execution" (2012).

The “humanitarian intervention” and “R2P” violate the international law. Boyle (2012), contends that the U.S/NATO war against Libya was a “crime against peace,” according to the 1945 Nuremberg Charter (Article 6(a), Article 6(b), Article 6(c), Article 7, and Article 8). He further stipulates that the U.N. aided and abetted the U.S/NATO in the war against Libya with violations of Chapter 15 of the U.N. Charter, which requires total independence of the U.N. Secretariat from any manipulation of member states, which was not the case. In addition, the U.S., France and the U.K. violated Chapters 6 and 8 of the U.N Charter, which requires the “Pacific Settlement of Disputes” before the “enforcement action,” provided by Chapter 7. Moreover, the U.N. passed Resolution 1973, without any determination of “the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression,” as required by Article 39 of the U.N. Charter, under which the Resolution was passed.

Following the above stated violations, the U.S. intervention in Libya was unconstitutional and without congressional approval. The Obama administration attempted to justify this intervention by claiming that, it neither amounts to the “hostilities” defined in the WPR (War Powers Resolution), nor was it a “war” within the meaning of the Constitution. Obama’s action would be constitutional if the U.S. was attacked, which was not the case in Libya.

Conclusion

The Tripolitan War earned the United States a significant position in the Mediterranean. However, the recent U.S. intervention in Libya, was meant to maintain, perpetuate and bolster that position. As a newly independent nation, begging for recognition, the Tripolitan War, was of great importance to the U.S. and helped it to establish credibility among the European countries. Not only did this war contributed to the recognition of the U.S. as a rising power, but also as a reason behind this power. It is still relevant today, in some ways, to talk about the Tripolitan War. Many strategies, military and diplomatic, that were used by both combatants, are still used today. It is even used as a case study for war strategies from which the U.S. may still benefit in its future conflicts. The U.S. wars against some Arab and Muslim countries revived this old forgotten war among many U.S. historians. It is sometimes seen as a war on terror, resembling the present day, “war on terror,” as led by President George W. Bush and carried on by President Obama. Other times, it is viewed from the angle of wars between Muslims and Christians, or more strictly, as a continuation of the crusades.

Whereas, it is often described as a war triggered by commercial interests, and fought for profitable reasons. The U.S. engaged in both wars to protect its interests in the Mediterranean. The Tripolitan War, shares some aspects with the 2011, U.S. intervention in Libya. Of these aspects, is that which is related to presidential powers that is most similar. President Jefferson sent the first U.S. squadron to blockade Tripoli, without the authorization of the Congress; Obama did the same thing. The U.S. maintains that it learned the lessons from the Tripolitan War and highly praised its naval military force ever since. After the collapse of the USSR, it was still boasting that this military force was a superior power in the world. However, there is a similar situation in the Middle East to that of the Mediterranean which is worthy of investigation. The area concerned now is Syria, in which there is an ongoing conflict between Bashar’s regime and the “opposition.” Many military groups attributed to Al Qaeda, “independent” armed groups or the so-called Islamist groups are also taking part in this chaos. However, at this point, the U.S. has not yet militarily intervened in Syria, at least not as it did in Libya! It might have supported those groups on the battleground with weaponry, but that is speculation. Perhaps the ongoing war is serving U.S. and Israel’s interests in the region, or perhaps not. However, once these interests are threatened, the rules of the game will surely change.

References

Blanchard, C. M. (2012). Libya Transition and U.S Policy. Congressional Research Service.

Blanchard, C. M. (2011). Libya: Unrest and U.S Policy. Washington DC: Congressional Research Service.

Book, T. E. (2012). NATO's Air War In Libya. Kansas: Faculty of the U.S. Army.

Boyle, F. A. (2013). Destroying Libya And World Order. Atlanta: Diana G. Collier.

Eljahmi, M. (2006). Libya and the U.S: Qadhafi Unrepentent. Middle East Quarterly , 11-20.

Emily O'Brien, a. S. (2011). Libya: A Diplomatic History, Februaru-August 2011. Conter On Internation Cooperation.

Fisher, L. (2012). Military Operations in Libya: No War? No hostilities? Presidential Studies Quarterly , 176-189.

Folayan, K. (1972). Tripoli and the War with the U.S.A., 1801-5. The Journal of African History, Vol 13, N. 2 , 261-270.

Hitchens, C. (2007). Jefferson Versus the Muslim Pirates. City Journal Spring .

King, D. M. (1994). United States Joint Operations in the Tripolitan Campaign of 1805. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas: Faculty of the U.S Army.

Prashad, V. (2012). Arab Sprin, Libyan Winter. Oakland, Baltimore, Edinburgh: AK Press Publishin & Distribution.

Ramsey, M. D. (2012). Meet the Boss: Continuity in Presidential War Powers? Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy , Vol 35, NO. 3.

Varun Vira, A. H. (2011). The Libyan Uprising: An Uncertain Trajectory. Washington DC: CSIS.

Edited by Peter “Clay” Smith.

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed

The Future of English in Multilingual Morocco

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oxford-english-dictionary

Fez- Recently, relatively subtle or, rather, unpublicized debate has arisen among educators and politicians over the importance of English as a global language in the Moroccan linguistic market. Some political and business figures have voiced that it is high time the English language replaced, or at least rivaled, French in its supremacy in the educational and economic spheres of Morocco.

Regardless of the purely educational aspect and significance regarding the Moroccan language policy, it seems that political ideologies fuel the surfacing of such controversial stances and heated debates; it brings practical profit sought by these figures in order to gain the public attention.

The Istiqlal's Secretary General Hamid Chabat has stated that English is the language of the modern time in all world countries, and that its status must be promoted to be the first foreign language for Moroccans. Along with Chabat, prominent social activist and businessman Noureddine Ayouch called in various political and media meetings for English to be introduced early in public schooling. Needless to say, these calls have demonstrated the importance of English in today’s world.

English is admittedly the world's most internationally recognized language for communication among people from different parts of the world. It is the Lingua Franca of the globalizing world, and the language of our rapidly developing science and technology. Thus, it appears that these pro-English demands anticipate the dire need for Moroccan graduates to know English—so that they may function effectively in a world that no longer complies with local or national frontiers, but rather is universal in its cultural and economic dimensions. Regardless of the political and ideological affiliations of English proponents, special attention should be paid to this timely controversial issue rather than ignoring these demands for their being politically and materially driven.

The educational, political, and economic spheres in Morocco must be empowered by the knowledge and use of English to keep abreast with global changes and sustainable development. However, by the same token, national languages and local identity need to be preserved through flexible and interesting educational and media programs that tighten Moroccans to their unique national identity and Arab and Islamic belonging.

The linguistic variation in Morocco—with Modern Standard Arabic and Amazigh as constitutionally official languages and French being widely used but unofficial—makes the promotion of English quite a complex challenge that needs serious political will and educational reform to accomplish. The social, as well as economic, uprising Morocco has experienced since the beginning of the 21st century seems to miss the point by not giving English the value it merits through its increasing power worldwide. In education, high school students demonstrate mediocre knowledge and lack of mastery of French, despite its being introduced in their early years of schooling.

Though several explanations can possibly account for this unpleasant fact, students’ attitudes and the complexity of the French Language may be plausible reasons. Author Leila Abou Zeid claimed in a meeting held by the ALC Fez, that many Moroccans, including herself, hold a hostile attitude towards French because of colonization; English, however, is seen to be more likely retained and learned, since students sit for a standardized national exam at the end of their secondary education, and many do far better in proportion to French.

As Morocco has strengthened its economic exchange with the United States, and with Moroccan commerce being free and open to the international market, learning English has become a prerequisite for all job seekers in both private and public sectors. The globalizing world has made English an ogre that devours all other languages on diverse fronts, such as business, science, and technology. Evidently, this is an unfavorable situation of what might be called language imperialism, as English seats itself on the throne of world languages. However, a hard choice concerning language policy should be made in order to catch up with the wave of economic and scientific revolutions. English is more likely to obtain prestige as Morocco’s first foreign language, as its use is appreciated and even mandatory in sectors such as international trade and scientific research. As Moroccan education, media, commerce, and culture are becoming more and more open to the world, learning and using English is an indispensable requirement.

English is the first foreign language students in secondary education opt for. This is demonstrated by the huge numbers of students studying English as a foreign language in comparison to the number of students who study others—notably Spanish and German. This fact indicates the need to make English more than just another foreign language complementing students’ professional and academic interests. Students have become aware that their communicational incompetence in French could be substituted with learning English, which is an easier and faster process.

In the same respect, the Moroccan Ministry of Education has been increasing the recruitment of graduates majoring in English to qualify for teaching positions in high schools across Morocco. In 2009, for instance, the number of English language teachers trained for secondary schools rose to ninety, and one hundred the following year. This escalation went on to attain 400 trainee-teachers for the coming school year, which indicates how critical the need for English language instructors in Moroccan public schools is. Without doubt, English is becoming a powerful language in Morocco for the years to come, and education appears to be the channel of its forceful succession to the Moroccan linguistic platform.

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed

The Moroccan Linguistic Situation

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The Moroccan Linguistic Situation

Rabat - The linguistic situation in Morocco is characterized by complexity. The presence of different local and foreign languages leaves room for diversity and creates many sociolinguistic issues. The languages used in Morocco are Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic, Moroccan Arabic, Amazigh, French, and Spanish (as well as English, which has recently started to gain significance). The presence and interaction of these languages indicates that the vast majority of Moroccans, especially the young generation, are bilingual, if not multilingual.

Classical Arabic (CA), or Qur’anic Arabic, is a Semitic language in which the Holy Quran was revealed. It is highly improbable that Moroccans use this language in its spoken form, since it is a written language; its use is usually confined to religious texts and some formal contexts. Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), which is based on CA, is one of the official languages of Morocco.[1] Because it is codified and standardized, MSA is used in different domains such as education, media, and administration. Although some linguists may refer to CA and MSA as one language since they share the same grammatical patterns, they are, in fact, two different languages from a linguistic perspective, given their differences at the level of their morphology, phonology, and lexicon.

Foreign languages constitute an integral part of the Moroccan linguistic Market. The Moroccan constitution encourages their learning and use. As stated in Article 5:

 ... [The state] sees to the coherence of linguistic policy and national culture and to the learning and mastery of the foreign languages of greatest use in the world, as tools of communication, of integration and of interaction [by which] society [may] know, and to be open to different cultures and contemporary civilizations.

While several foreign languages are used in Morocco, only some of them enjoy a prestigious status. French is among these languages, given its status as a second language. Although French had existed in Morocco before the French colonization from 1912 to 1956, it started to gain its status as a second language during the protectorate era. As Sadiqi states:

French was introduced in Morocco as a civilized and superior language. It was used in most spheres of political power such as the government, the administration, and education

After Morocco’s independence in 1956, the State tried to give the Arabic language its previously elevated status through Arabization and modernization. However, with the presence of other foreign languages (Spanish and English), French stood as a second language which constitutes an essential vehicle of the economy and job market. Furthermore, its daily use by Moroccans leads to instances of code-switching/mixing and borrowing.

Spanish was introduced to Morocco during the mid-sixteenth century and gained a significant place during the 17th century. The Spanish occupation of different Moroccan cities such as Ceuta, Melilia, Nador, El Hoceima, Tetouan, and Larache contributed to the adoption of Spanish as a language of administration and education. After the country’s independence, Spanish lost its prestigious status in comparison with other foreign languages like French or English, and it is now used by some speakers in the aformentioned cities and other places in Morocco. However, this does not exclude the fact that MA was influenced by Spanish to a large extent. What shows this is the presence of several loanwords such as:

Spanish was introduced to Morocco during the mid-sixteenth century and gained a significant place during the 17th century

 

Nouns such as these, which are derived from Spanish, are now fully integrated in the lexicon of Moroccan Arabic.

Amazigh existed in Morocco before Arabic was introduced by the Islamic conquest. Although scholars and sociolinguists have different opinions about the origin of Amazigh, the common and plausible idea is that it is an Afro-Asiatic language, which was the mother tongue of the first inhabitants of North Africa.

Along with Arabic, Amazigh is also considered an official language in Morocco. As stated in the constitution:

Tamazight [Berber/amazighe] constitutes an official language of the State, being common patrimony of all Moroccans without exception. An organic law defines the process of implementation of the official character of this language, as well as the modalities of its integration into teaching and into the priority domains of public life, so that it may be permitted in time to fulfill its function as an official language.” Morocco's Constitution of 2011, Article 5

The officialization and standardization of the Amazigh language has always been a debated issue in Morocco. Some linguists and scholars encourage the use of Amazigh in its written form to teach school subjects, while others tend to consider it a spoken language and its officialization and standardization, according to them, have never proved successful in Morocco.

There are three major varieties of Amazigh spoken in Morocco, namely Tashelhit in the south, Tamazight in the center, and Tarifit in the north. However, it should be noted that within these varieties, several other dialects or dialectal variations can be found depending on the region or town.

Moroccan Arabic is another component of the Moroccan linguistic market, and it is the most widely used language in Morocco. Since it is neither codified nor standardized, it is mostly seen as a variety but not as a literary language. Moreover, given its contact with CA, Furguson argues that MA stands in a diaglossic relation with CA; while CA is the high variety, MA is considered the low variety.

It is noteworthy that the use of the term “Moroccan Arabic” is ambiguous because it does not refer to any specific variety spoken in Morocco. Therefore, when talking about MA, most writers refer to the descendant variety of Arabic that is spoken in Morocco as a whole.

Linguists and scholars differ to a large extent when it comes to classifying Moroccan Arabic in terms varieties. First of all, some linguists such as Boukous divide MA into four major varieties as follows:

(2)

(i)             The Urban Variety

(ii)           The Mountain Variety (Jebli)

(iii)          The Bedouin Variety

(iv)          The Hassani Variety

Other linguists like Ennaji, follow two approaches. First, historically, MA can be divided into the non-Bedouin dialect, the Bedouin variety, and the Andalusian-Arabic variety. In the modern sense, MA can be divided into Urban (‘mdini’) and Rural (‘?rubi’) varieties. Moreover, Ennaji goes further and subdivides the Urban dialect of MA into different regional varieties presented as follows:

(3)

a)     Northern dialects spoken in Tangiers, Tetouan, Larache and other north cities.

b)    The Fassi variety spoken in Fés.

c)     The Moroccan dialect of Rabat and Casablanca.

d)    The Marrakshi and Agadiri dialect which are influenced by Tashelhit Amazigh.

e)     The Hassani dialect used in the southern Saharan regions.

Regardless of these divisions, what is common between all these varieties of MA is that they all share a degree of mutual intelligibility and that they form what Bloomfield refers to as a dialect continuum or dialect area.

In addition to all these varieties of MA, many linguists postulate the existence of another spoken variety that is also neither codified nor standardized. This variety is influenced by CA, MSA, and MA, since its grammar is the same as MA, while its lexicon and vocabulary is a mixture of the three languages.

While this variety is commonly mentioned by Moroccan linguists, it is labeled differently using different terms and appellations. For instance, Youssi refers to it as Median Moroccan Arabic:

L’arabe médian, […] constitue une variété hybride empruntant grosso modo à l’arabe standard son lexique et à l’arabe dialectal sa morphologie et sa phonologie, l’arabe dialectal ici étant fondamentalement le variété citadine dipourvue des marques idiosyncrasiques

On the other hand, Ennaji labels it as Educated Spoken Arabic and defines it as, “… a polished and polite form of MA whose lexicon is affected by that of standard Arabic.” Furthermore, following Furguson’s description of diaglossia, Ennaji argues that in addition to the high variety (CA) and the low variety (MA), there are other varieties in between. First, the presence of MSA, which is used in different domains more than CA, results in a situation of triaglossia. Besides, with the addition of ESA between MSA and MA, the result will be a form of “Quadriglossia” represented in the following diagram.

It should be evident that the Moroccan linguistic situation is characterized by both diversity and complexity

It should be evident that the Moroccan linguistic situation is characterized by both diversity and complexity. The competition between mother tongues, on the one hand, and foreign languages on the other results in different linguistic phenomena (Bilingualism/Multilingualism, Diaglossia/Triglossia/Quadriglossia, Code-switching/Borrowing) and also contributes to the linguistic change of varieties and the emergence of new ones. 

Works Cited

Bloomfield, L. (1933). Language. New York: Henry Holt.

Boukous, A. (1998) La situation sociolinguistique au Maroc. In Plurilinguismes (Le Maroc) 16, pp. 5-30. Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches en Planification Linguistique, Paris.

Ennaji, M. (2005). Multilingualism, Cultural Identity and Education in Morocco. Springer: University of Fés, Morocco

Ferguson, C. (1959). Diaglossia. In Word 15, pp. 325-340.

Morocco's Constitution of 2011. Retrieved from : http://www.constituteproject.org

Sadiqi, F. (2005). The Gendered Use of Arabic and other Languages in Morocco. In E. Benmamoun, Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics XIX (pp. 277-299). Urbana, Illinois: John Benjamins.

Sadiqi, F. (2006). The Language Situation in Morocco. Encyclopedia of Language and Lingusitics.

Youssi, A. (1986). L’arabe marocain médian. Analyse fonctionnaliste des rapports syntaxiques. Thèse d’état. Université de Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris III.

[1] “Arabic is [demeure] the official language of the State.

The State works for the protection and for the development of the Arabic language, as well as the

promotion of its use” Morocco's Constitution of 2011, Article 5

Edited by Katrina Bushko

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed

Crossing Borders in Diwan Sidi Abderahman Almejdoub: A Theatre Within a Theatre

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Crossing Borders in Diwan Sidi Abderahman Almejdoub- A Theatre Within a Theatre

By  Abdeladim Hinda

Kenitra - Quiet hamlets in the Arif mountain valleys, spacious pastures on the slopes, lakes and dams here and there upheld in the chalice of the hills, fields green or yellow verging toward the blue Northern Mediterranean Sea and the Western Atlantic Ocean, villages and towns drowsy under the noon sun of July and then alive with passion cities in which, amid dust and dirt, everything from cottage to masjid seems beautiful— this for thousands of years has been Morocco. Yet it was only until 1967 that Saddiki observed, under the light of his theatrical experiences of adaptation and translation, the beauty of Morocco along with its antique legacies which constituted the culture of its industrious people. In one word, to Saddiki Morocco appeared in due course to be a tempting time-honored legacy, fit for dramatization, fit for celebration.

Remarkably, the failure of his experience of Theatre of Workers unexpectedly turned itself into a denial consciousness raiser. That is to say, Saddiki “realized that the series of plays he adapted, translated, or moroccanized were not projecting his deeply rooted festive instincts.”[1] It is here that Saddiki offers a comment on his disavowal of the Western repertoire of theatre making:

The story started as a result of my refutation of the texts that I had translated and adapted from foreign theatres. After adapting about thirty plays, I was overwhelmed by the idea that this is a transplanted theatre that does not reflect the inner self of Moroccans. Then, a new journey started along with people, their surroundings, collective imaginary…I enjoyed people’s stories and myths…It was in this context that I discovered the 16th century poet “Almejdoub.” His poetry was not written, but transmitted orally amongst people in every Moroccan home. Then, I started assembling his verses and re-writing them in a dramatic way. That was the birth of the play entitled Sidi Abderahman Almejdoub, a drama that won an exceptional success in Morocco.[2]

The play has been performed within the parameters of al-halqa, which in all its diversity has been a vital source of artistic delight and entertainment, as well as a means of spacing cultural identity. In other words, besides its aesthetic aspects -given the fact that it should be conceived of as a performance event- it is a medium of information and circulation of social energy, a social drama and a subsidiary school whose syllabus is as fluid as its rich repertoire. In sum, al-halqa contributes to the representation of historical consciousness and cultural identity, through formulaic artistic expression.

Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, a number of the leading dramatists of the Arab world began to return to indigenous performance traditions for inspiration and as a counter-balance to the previous, almost total dependence upon European models. Such an approach was propounded by Tawfiq al-Hakim, the leading dramatist of the Arab world, in the preface to his best-known play, Ya Talià al-?ajara (The Tree Climber), published in 1962, which called for a “popular, nonrealistic theatre.”[3]

Pr. Khalid Amine and Marvin Carlson note that “Al-Hakim’s suggestions were picked up and elaborated by the best-known of his immediate followers, Youssef Idriss, in an influential series of articles titled “Our Egyptian Theatre,” published in 1965 in the leading literary periodical al-Katib.”They continue,

Here, he advocated a turning away from the traditional European models to seek inspiration in local and folk manifestations—in particular, the medieval Arabic oral, rhymed narration, the maqama, and the samir, a popular festival in which villagers gather to improvise entertainments involving singing, dancing, and impersonation. Idris’s most popular play, al-Farafir (The Flipflops, 1964), was published with extensive prefatory notes related directly to the arguments in the al-Katib articles.[4]

Like Idriss, Saddiki too was influenced by Al-hakim’s new theatrical trend. He revived Al-halqa performing spectacles. From then on, Al-halqa has become widely employed in the modern Arabic theatre as it provides a distinct alternative to the traditional European proscenium stage. In light of this, Pr. Khalid Amine maintains that “Saddiki’s theatre is an exemplary first instance of festive hybridity. After consuming numerous adaptations from the Western theatre, he inaugurated a new approach to theatre making in Morocco.”[5] Indeed, his play diwan sidi abderahman almejdoub exemplifies the first festive theatrical enterprise in post-colonial Morocco. Saddiki construed it in the ‘in-between’ space, that is to say, between western theatre and Moroccan ‘pre-theatrical forms.’ For the first time in the brief history of Moroccan theatre, Saddiki transposed (see fig.1) al-halqa, as an aesthetic, cultural, and geographical space, into a theatre building as the space of the Western Other “(transplanted in Morocco as a subsidiary colonial institution).”[6] Pr. Khalid Amine continues that “Sidi Abderahman Almejdoub is a play conceived in an open public place. Its opening refers us to its hybridized formation through its persistent self reflexivity, as a device of projecting the mirror of the performance itself.”[7] The play is “situated in jemaa el-fna as an open site of orature and a space of hybridity itself.”[8] Its structure is “circular rather than linear.”[9]

[caption id="attachment_134994" align="aligncenter" width="600"]Fig. 1: Indoor halqa performance. (Photograph by Khalid Amine.) Fig. 1: Indoor halqa performance. (Photograph by Khalid Amine.)[/caption]

Summary of the play

The play opens with Narrator 1 and Narrator 2 bestowing praises and beauties upon the city of Marrakech, and setting up the drama’s décor. The storyteller comes in and starts to recount the narrative of “The Prince and the Bondmaid” to create the climate of al-halqa. Then, Narrator 1 presents himself, saying he belongs to the 14th century. A young man belonging to the 20th century of the Hegira asks him about the locale of Jama’e Lefna. The young man seems to be interested in Jama’e Lefna as it signifies a place for leaning for him. Narrator 1 and Narrator 2 go about defining the different spectacles they are going to offer: the confectioner, Chi:kha, Ali and the Tyrant’s Head, Sellers of Herbs, and Sorcerers, etc. However, they decide to devote their al-halqa for commemorating Sidi Abderahman Almejdoub.

Narrator 1 and Narrator 2 begin to organize al-halqa. They present the character of Almejdoub to their audiences, and refer to his wise sayings every now and then. However, Almejdoub appears and points to his place of birth. Then al-halqa organizers join in to highlight his life in Fes and Meknes. In Farewell lawha, Almejdoub bids farewell to his wife, Tona, after he has decided to leave Morocco. Narrator 1 and Narrator 2 inform us that he is heading for Mecca to perform the pilgrimage.

On his way to Mecca, Almejdoub traverses the Land of Shall whose inhabitants brush aside their responsibilities and postpone them instead. Moreover, they are less inclined to good, hospitality, and generosity. Seeing they are good for nothing, Almejdoub leaves them and heads for Tunisia. He observes that the occupants of this habitat are caught up in the love of women, who have reeled them into their web of control, and left them singing words of passion and names of women, while turning a blind eye on colonialism, which is devouring them unmercifully.

Armed with faith and patience, he begins to roam the earth, north and south, west and east, hoping to overcome his loneliness. Unexpectedly, he falls captive in the hands of Christian pirates, who throw him in prison where he falls in love with a girl. He hopes that she would follow him to his land where she could convert to Islam. After traversing a mountain of troubles, he gets to the land of prophecy, and there he delivers a poem in which he praises the Messenger of Islam, Muhammad (PBUP). When he finishes his delivery, a group of people go about reciting in great unison the famous poem The Full Moon Has Risen for Us, which the first generation of Muslims song in welcome of Muhammad, in order to associate Almejdoub’s migration with that of the prophet (PBUH).

Now back in Morocco, he finds out that everything has changed due to the tyrannical colonialism. Blessed with his presence, the land recovers, kicks out the invaders, and regains its normal station. Meanwhile, we are taken back to the climate of al-halqa. A “makhzani” person approaches Narrator 1 inquiring about al-halqa’s warrant. He becomes a partaker in the unfolding halqa, putting a plethora of questions to Almejdoub, who answers with lines from his quatrain, lines that reveal women’s tricks and malice. This arouses a feeling of defense in the women present, and make them denounce those anatomizing claims to rehabilitate themselves.

As al-halqa comes to an end, the narrators start to gather alms from the audience. A new halqa unravels in which a man performs a spectacle of merry with the aid of his monkey. As he does not have al-halqa’s license, Almakhzani sends him away and the attendants buy him some tea and sugar. Now the narrator starts to explain Almejdoub’s sayings about the rooster, the horse, the donkey, the mouse, and the wolf, drawing his audience’s attention to the wisdom and symbolism dormant in these sayings. The talk changes to include herbs and fruits. Meanwhile, a woman inquires about Almejdoub’s knowledge, and he turns himself into a fortune-teller, revealing her past and prophesying her future.

A discussion about women together with their beauties and evils is resumed. At this stage, Almejdoub is shown spellbound and smitten by Rabha’s charms and beauties. He thus delivers a poem about her, flattering her beauty despite his friend’s cautioning. However, his friend’s advice turns out to be advantageous as he comes to the realization that she is of a doubtful and opportunist nature. This realization leads him to ponder about human relationships. It also leads him to think of Tona, his first wife, whom he misses very much.

At this point, the audience, including those who organize al-halqa, inquires Almejdoub about quietness and its wisdom, money and its influence, friendship and its fate, repeating in harmony some of his sayings every now and then. However, Almejdoub becomes blind and enters a difficult phase in his life, ending up working for farmers as a shepherd. As his health deteriorates, he decides to visit Holy Shrines to seek the grace of its hollowed dead Sheikhs. Indeed, he drops The Shrine of Sidi Al-hadi Ben Issa a visit not to heal himself from the insanity of which he had been accused, but rather to observe it in his society. He says

How many men, with flawless conscience,

Pretended to have lost reason and every virtue

Neither they understood nor discerned his intentions

But to Ben Issa drove him people of good feature.[10]

After having experienced a spate of troubles of all colors and types, and after having rejoiced the good and forbade the wrong, Almejdoub foretells his end. Like an ascetic person, he goes alone to meet his fate. At this stage, we are taken back to the climate of al-halqa where Narrator 1 asks the young man belonging to the 20th century whether he has liked what he saw and heard, and the young man assures his questioner that he is interested in poetry in general and the poems of Almejdoub in particular. On hearing this, Narrator 1 maintains that this is glad tidings for Almejdoub is still alive in our cultural memory. The young man wishes to meet Almejdoub in his dream, and Narrator 1 tells him to love the people and serve them well and surely he would feel Almejdoub within himself.

The play would have been finished at this point. Yet Said Saddiki composed a poem in which he states his opinion about Almejdoub. In brief, finalizing the play with such a poem implies that the past is extended to include the present, and the tradition modernity, reconciling between the two in a festive moment, thus inviting us to return to our traditions, to our origins.

Analysis of the Play

The play is divided into four sections, each one bearing the word tarkib, meaning assembling, as a title. Each tarkib consists of several lawhat, meaning tableaux. To be exact, the first tarkib is made up of fifteen lawhat, the second of seven, the third of four, and the fourth of seven. In other words, the play bears much resemblance to its classic counterpart in that both of them are structured in four sections. From the vantage point of classicism, a chapter implies transformation at the levels of place and time. From Saddikian point of view, a tarkib is much more similar to classicism’s chapter in sense in that the play’s first, second, and third tarakib (plural of tarkib) unfold in Jama’e Lefna’s Square, while the fourth unfolds in a place supposed to be in Meknes yet through al-halqa.

There is, in my opinion, a reason behind such a systematic structuring of the play. I think the dramatist aimed at realism when he featured his hero’s life just as he lived it in reality. For that reason, he dedicated the first tarkib to present the person of Almejdoub, the second to reveal his quatrain, the third to speak of its dissemination, and the fourth to outline the hero’s last days. Thus, laying out the play into four sections is in fact an act of unfolding Almejdoub’s life into four phases, each phase containing some lawahat that characterize it. These lawahat are listed as follows:

1)    Al-halqa

2)    Presenting the Person of Almejdoub

3)    Farewell

4)    Transformation

5)    The Land of Shall

6)    Transformation

7)    Tunisia

8)    Alienation

9)    At Sea

10)  Prison

11)  Pilgrimage

12)  Colonization

13)  Salvation

14)  Al-halqa

15)  The End of Al-halqa

16)  Al-halqa

17)  Almejdoub’s Sayings

18)  Women

19)  Almejdoub and his Friend

20)  Farewell

21)  The Second Wife: Rabha

22)  Tona

23)  Almejdoub’s Sayings

24)  Almejdoub’s Tribulations

25)  Almejdoub Becomes Blind

26)  A Visit

27)Sidi Al-hadi Ben Issa with Insane and Leprous People

28)  The Other Community

29)  Almejdoub’s Visit

30)  Farewell

31)  Al-halqa

The play ends with ahalqa to show that life, which is lived within a recurring circle, goes on irrespective of the sorrow and happiness it contains. In this case, the play’s ending signifies that if Almejdoub’s contemporaries did not recognize his worth and significance, subsequent generations, including ours, have done so thankfully. Pr. Khalid Amine observes that

Saddiki’s halqas are most of the time semi-circular rather than circular. And this very fact is due to his festive tendencies to engage the audience in the making of spectacle rather than being seated on a hypnotized auditorium that is already divided by a fourth wall in western Bourgeois theatre.[11]

The halqa of Almejdoub is presented after a series of other related halqas. This shows Vilar’s advice to Saddiki: “when you go back to your home country, forget all what you have seen here and remember just the technique.”[12]

Saddiki lists his characters according to their worth and significance, and according to their acquaintance with Almejoub. For that reason, he bestows importance upon his wives and lover, Narrator 1 and 2, First Woman and Second Woman, Ashab Alhalqa (al-halqa organizers): Aziz, Mostapha, Mohamed Elhadi, and then upon an amorphous constellation of people such as prisoners, pilgrims, pirates, insane persons, mystics, sailors, Tunisia inhabitants, inhabitants of the Land of Shall, whores etc.

The drama’s central character is Almejdoub. In Arabic, almajdoub, literally meaning leprous, is an epithet sticking often to mystics and saints.   Indeed, in our culture some people were called majadib (plural of majdoub) because they were known for their mysticism and renouncement of worldly pleasures. They abstain from the beauties of life, seclude themselves, and live in austerity. There is a line in the drama through which Almejdoub conveys all these characteristics:

Almejdoub: I am mejdoub but not insane, living with my internal state of mind. I in the Saved Slate read that passed and that is to come alike.[13]

In this sense, he bears much resemblance to the person who declined to drink from the River of Folly to be ironically accused of insanity by those who drank from it. Certainly, he feels himself alien among his kinsmen, who for years and centuries turned a deaf ear on his wise sayings. This fact is beautifully captured in a scene in Wole Soyinka’s The Lion and the Jewel as it seems to be common not to honor wise people:

Sidi: These thoughts of future wonders –do you buy them or merely go mad and dream of them?

Lukunle: A prophet has honor except in his own home. Wise men have been called mad before me and after, many more shall be so abused.[14]

Almejdoub tries hard to pour the waters of his soul to wash the feet of his people, but they trample him with their feet of ignorance. He says in this regard,

Almejdoub: I appeared to them black and sealed, and they thought I lacked everything virtual. Yet I am like a written book which contains numerous advantages.[15]

Almejdoub seems to have pondered about the universe and the life its contains, human relationships and the way they work, Man and his ways and airs, and all things life offers. Moreover, his speculation includes the creatures of women about whom much is said in his poetry. But to measure things right, one should not rush to judge Almehjoub as anti-women or in today’s terminology anti-feminist for he distinguishes between there types of women. They are manifested in Tona, al-halqa’s women, and Rabha. Tona is a good, devoted, caring, thoughtful, and true wife, who tries to satisfy her husband’s desires and needs. The dramatist captures a scene in which reciprocal love and care is revealed.

Almejdoub: O Tona, my greetings came to your ears. Let me enjoy the cold of winter.

Tona: How shall I treat my lover who cared not about his welfare but min. Separation is so difficult to endure and his lovely face is so dear to me.

Almejdoub: O you, passing girls! O you palms of green meadows! You are all beautiful, but I loved only this. Your eyes and eyebrows are black and your sideburns are Hindu. O you, who digs the ground with a stick. Let you speak, O you the crazy-for-love woman.[16]

As to Rabha, she represents the shrewd and unbearable Moroccan woman, who is influenced to the bone by outworn and obsolete beliefs. All she cares for is to eat to her fill and enjoy the adornments of life. She is featured in the following quotation:

Almejdoub: This is her talk…look, she is now going to talk about   the house.

Rabha:           Why can’t I? you think I live like my ladies.

Almejdoub: After the house…the clothes.

Rabha:           yes, I have not dressed like other women.

Almejdoub: And after eating….

Rabha:          I have not fed on what other women eat.

Almejdoub: And the furniture?

Rabha:          I have not furnished my house like others’.

Almejdoub: This is Rabha’s talk.[17]

Yet al-halqa’s women seem to speak in defense of themselves in the face of Almejdoub’s views in relation to their selves. However, they tend not to see harm in Almejdoub’s views as they are turn out to be wise. Here is a conversation between them and Almejdoub:

Almejdoub: the pigeon has flied higher and higher; and when it landed, it erected on a facile branch. All women behave in the same manner. If one is an exception, she only finds herself incapable

Woman 1: You think women have nothing to say…

Women 2: They hear through their ears…

Almakhzani: O my lady, show what you have.

Woman 1: The love of women is musk from apples

Woman 2: A fragrance smelt in streets.

Woman 1: That who loves it surely dies satisfied.

Woman 2: That who hates it dies surely unhappy.

Almakhzani: When I see horses, I want to ride them.

Almejdoub: When I see old women, I want to repent.[18]

In brief, all the characters approvingly at times and disapprovingly at others seem to interact with Almejdoub’s sayings, which they eventually find interesting and accurate. These characters discuss their lives on cultural and social, political and economic planes. Thus al-halqa becomes a mirror-up to Moroccan society, that is to say, a stage where the cloying and bitter are dealt with collectively, including men and women, young and old. By seeking realism, Saddiki aimed therefore at retrieving both an underground pre-theatrical performance and the artistic climate it created.

At the level of language, the drama could be divided into two sections: one containing Almejdoub’s poems and sayings while the other containing the dramatist’s additions and directions. Almejdoub’s language is “semi” classic. To those early generations, Almejdoub’s poems sounded slight and bloodless, and surprisingly refined, too, but to us whose appetite has taken in his almost-epic-length lyrics a keen appreciation, his poems are compiled to push Homer himself to nod if he were compelled to read his accumulated Quatrain. In my view at least, they are poems of feeling rather than representations of things, and are closer to philosophy than to photography. This Moroccan poet let realism alone, and, like a painter, rarely tried to imitate the external form of reality. He scornfully left out shadows as irrelevant to essences, preferring to paint with words in plain air, with no modeling play of light and shade words, like the brush, could create; and he smiled at Western insistence on the perspective reduction of distant things. He wished to convey a feeling rather than an object, to suggest rather than to represent; it was unnecessary, in his judgment, to show more than a few significant elements in a line; as in early Arabic poems, only so much should be shown as would arouse the appreciative mind to contribute to the esthetic result by its own imagination. The poet valued the rhythm of line and the music of forms infinitely more than the haphazard shape and structure of things. He felt that if he were true to his own feeling it would be realism enough.

Saddiki found it encouragingly emulating and in light of this motivated his characters to speak Almejdounb’s poems. In other words, Almejdoub seems to have linguistically influenced his fellow kinsmen as they appear struggling to mimic him. Saddiki therefore seeks linguistic originality and authenticity. Yet this would have been feasible if only we had not had a hybrid theatre. In this regard, Khalid Amine is critical of Saddiki’s go-it-alone-culture retrieval. He says that “the hybrid formation of the play resists any claim of originality and authenticity even from the part of Saddiki himself, for the play is a hybrid fusion of Western theatrical methods and local techniques of bsat.” He continues, “But Saddiki’s claim of originality, authenticity and the return to tradition sometimes runs the risk of falling into the trap of purity and essentialism.”[19] Undoubtedly, Saddiki in this drama pushes for the retrieval of a lost tradition, which for centuries has honored our ancestors and provided them with a window into knowledge. Saddiki believes that our tradition is suitable for both learning and teaching.

Pr. Khalid Amine has repeatedly maintained in his writings[20]that the transfer of al-halqa into theatre buildings “spells out an underwritten indecision,” which is “part of the predicament of the Moroccan subject,” that “found himself constructed on the borderlines of different narratives: the Western and the local.” Again, he keeps maintaining here and there that “postcolonial theatre has boldly come to terms with the hybrid condition of the Moroccan subject who cannot exist otherwise due to the traumatic wounds that were inflected upon him by the colonial enterprise.”[21] Indeed, al-halqa’s transposition to the stage epitomizes a positive vacillation between two heterogeneous theatrical environments, indeed two theatrical opposites. Saddiki’s play in question clearly shows this vacillation and marriage between East and West, past and present, tradition and modernity. It is here that Hassan Mniai argues that:

[Saddiki] was transformed out of the blue into an advocate of Moroccan/Arabic theatre that would benefit from the potentialities of Western theatre, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, engender its own form through an appeal to legacy and tradition, be it history of a theatrical form or other dramatic essences.[22] [My translation]

Prior the 1970s, a serious debate was started about our theatrical identity in relation to the Other. There was a conflicting interference between two main theatrical tendencies that informed –and continue to inform— different negotiations of traditional performance behaviors like al-halqa. The first tendency saw that the Western model at large should be repudiated in favor of a return to the indigenous performance traditions (which is but another way of returning to pre-theatrical Morocco). Pr. Khalid Amine remarks here that it is this tendency that has led some to the worship of ancestors, constituting eventually a useless quest for purity which amounts to what would be called Arabo-centrism.[23] Truly, this essentialist theatrical enterprise comes alive only when it depends upon a new myth of origin in the name of ‘authentic Arabic/Moroccan Theatre,’ whereas the reality is that these co-called indigenous performing traditions are “diasporic cultural constructs that change time and again and are transformed according to the inner dynamics of folk traditions which are adaptive, fluid and changing.”[24]Armed with this consciousness, Saddiki understood that decolonizing Moroccan theatre from the Western telos does not mean a recuperation of a pure and original performance tradition that pre-existed the French colonial encounter with the Western Other in that this tendency would surely fall in an inevitable essentialism and an Orientalism from within.[25] In his significant study, Migrancy, Culture, Identity, Ian Chambers asks as if waiting to hear a Derridian answer:

“Does there even exist the possibility of returning to an authentic state, or are we not all somehow caught upon an interactive and never-to-be-completed networking where both subaltern formations and institutional powers are subjected to interruption, transgression, fragmentation and transformation?”[26]

Indeed, Derrida ensures that there is no way back to an authentic state. In his terms, the authentic is very much like a ‘cinder’ or a ‘trace’ for it destroys its purity at the very moment of presenting itself.[27]

The second tendency premised itself on the belief that Western theatre is a supreme model opposing its local –and pre-theatrical –counterpart. Similarly, such reading of theatrical identity also generates the same Eurocentric exclusion of other people’s performance traditions. In other words, this tendency elevates the Western theatrical tradition to be a sui generis model worthy of imitation and reproduction. That is to say, Western theatre is a master model, original and accurate. Pr. Khalid Amine comments that the Western theatrical model, however, is more than a dramatic/theatrical space as it is a cultural and discursive one simultaneously. He continues,

Borrowing the Western model without critiquing its exclusive tropes amounts to a new kind of colonialism. In brief, this second position that is held by some Moroccan critics and practitioners, such as Ouzri, falls in another kind of essentialism, that is the European theatre is a unique model that should be disseminated all over the World even at the expense of other peoples’ theatrical traditions, for theatre is no tradition but the western one.[28]

Yet, in the teeth of the essentialist illusion of boundedness, theatre tends to historically evolve through mimetic borrowings, appropriations, and cultural exchanges. Pr. Khalid Amine maintains that “there is no theatre in and of itself” and that the western theatre itself is a hybrid model. Generally, “theatrical art is a hybrid medium that necessitates a transformation of something written on a script into an acoustic and visual world called mise en scéne.”[29]

The widely-held Eurocentric belief of pure and immutable European theatre is premised upon a paradoxical hypothesis, so to speak. As a matter of fact, Europe itself in its entirety is a “mélange” of a plethora of cultures essentially from the backward, uncivilized, and static East.[30]It is this self-contradiction of this “master model theatre” relying upon the “pre-theatre” to theatrically and dramatically feed itself that affords an adequate evidence to deconstruct and reconstruct this Eurocentric discourse. Generally speaking, there are many Islamic and non-Islamic philosophers, scientists, alchemists, and historians from the non-Western territories who have greatly contributed to the making of western civilization during the Renaissance and Enlightenment eras. Remarkably, these were “moments of cultural mixing” when the East was significantly exerting a great impact on all western civilizations.[31]Hence, is not Europe a hybrid culture as well? In truth, the East did not only influence European culture, it also added up highly to its establishment. Hence, Europe is a hybrid culture in itself as it arbitrated its constructs to the driving force of history, that is to say, to dynamisms of borrowings and appropriations.

The argument I am making here is that hybridity is a common cultural feature. From this vantage, Moroccan theatre at present appears to be “construed within a liminal space, on the borderlines between different tropes. It cannot exist otherwise, for it juxtaposes different heterogeneous entities only to emerge as a hybrid drama that is spaced between East and West:”[32]it beautifully fuses in a lofty blend the Western theatrical and the indigenous performance traditions. This hybrid blend is manifested in the very transfer of al-halqa from jema-elfna into modern theatre buildings such as Saddiki’s Mogador in Casablanca, a theatre similar to Western theatre buildings. “Thus,” maintains Pr. Khalid Amine, “the postcolonial condition of Moroccan theatre today is characterized by hybridity as a dominant feature.”[33]In H. Bhabha’s phraseology,hybridity is not only a fusion of two pure moments. It also has to do with the persistent emergence of liminal third spaces that transform, renew, and recreate different kinds of writing out of previous models. In an interview he says that,

As I was saying, the act of cultural translation (both as representation and as reproduction) denies the essentialism of a prior given originary culture, then we see that all forms of cultures are continually in a process of hybridity, but for me the importance of hybridity is not to be able to trace two original moments from which the third emerges, rather hybridity to me is the ‘third space’ which enables other positions to emerge.[34]

According toBhabha, Moroccan theatre today can be construed within that liminal space which emerges between different tropes. “It is a theatre that is informed by an intentional esthetic hybridity as it tends to juxtapose different heterogeneous elements that belong to opposed performing traditions. The effects of hybridity are manifested in its ironic double consciousness.”[35]

Pr. Khalid Amine continues that,

The outcome of a persistent quest is the hybrid transposition of some native performance behaviors such as al-halqa and bsa:t into the theatre building as a western esthetic/cultural space, for an overall refusal of the western theatre building remains an unattainable desire. It is precisely because of this that al-halqa and bsa:t have been transposed to the theatre building. This transposition is not simply a transfer of a performance behavior from jema’ el-fna into a modern theatre building, rather it is a cultural and esthetic negotiation between two different performance traditions. The result of such negotiation is a third space, a hybrid conduct that fuses Self and Other, East and West, popular and modern, and all other bipolar opposites which the hybridized mind imagines to have existed ‘before.’[36]

Informed by the postcolonial Moroccan subject’s hybridized pattern, postcolonial Moroccan theatre today is blending different performing strategies belonging to both Moroccan culture and its Western counterpart. As a result, Moroccan theatre is said to be a hybrid theatre par excellence. “It is no longer an imitation of the western theatre, and it is no more a pre-theatrical form, but a new hybridized theatrical tradition” that is premised on “transposition of all that is used to be conceived of as a pre-theatre to the theatre building.” The magic “openness and free play of Jema’ el-fna are forced upon the rigidity and closure of the western theatrical building.”[37]

Notes:

[1]See Khalid Amine, Moroccan Theatre Between East and West (Le Club du Livre de la Faculté des Lettres et des sciences Humaines de Tétouan, 2000), p, 112.

[2]Quoted in Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 112.

[3]Quoted in Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 112.

[4]See Khalid Amine and Marvin Carlson, “Al-halqa in Arabic Theatre: An Emerging Site of Hubridity” in Theatre Journal, Volume 60, Number 1, March 2008, pp, 71-85.

[5]See Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 113.

[6]Ibid.

[7]Ibid.

[8]Ibid. pp, 113-114.

[9]Ibid. p, 113.

[10]See Tayeb Saddiki, Diwa :n Sidi Abedrrahman Almajdoub (Dar Sattoki Linachr, 1997), p, 61.

[11]See Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 114.

[12]See Hassan Habibi, Tayeb Saddiki: Hayato Masrah (Tayeb Saddiki: A Theatre Story) (Matbaàt Dar al-Nashr, 2011), p, 68.

[13]See Tayyeb Saddiki, Diwa :n Sidi Abedrrahman Almajdoub (Dar Sattoki Linachr, 1997), P, 18. I would like to make it clear that Abderahman’s poetic lines are very difficult to translate into English, yet they surprisingly retain their poeticity and beauty. My translation therefore is only meant to convey some shade of meanings of Abderahman’s sayings.

[14]See Wole Soyinka, Collected Plays 2 (Oxford University Press, 1974) p, 6.

[15]See Diwa:n Sidi Abderahman Almejdoub. P, 52.

[16]Ibid. pp, 15-16.

[17]Ibid. p, 42.

[18]Ibid. pp, 29-30.

[19]See Khalid Amine, “Crossing Borders: Al-halqa Performance in Morocco from the open Space to the Theatre Building” in The Drama Review 45,2 (T170), Summer 2001 (New York University and the Massachusetts Institue of Technology : 55-69.

[20]See for example, Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 129; “Crossing Borders;” “Theatre in Morocco and the Postcolonial Turn” in Interweaving Performance Culture, 09/21/2009.

[21]See for example, Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 129.

[22]See Hassan Mniai, al-masrah al-htifali mina at-taesis ila sina’at al-furja [Moroccan Theatre from Construction to the Making of Spectacle] (Fes : faculty of Letters Publications, 1994), p, 10.

[23]See Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 130.

[24]Ibid.

[25]Ibid.

[26]See Ian Chambers, Migrancy, Culture, Identity (London and New York : Routledge, 1994) p, 74.

[27]Quoted in Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 131.

[28]Ibid. pp, 31-32.

[29]Ibid. p, 132.

[30]See Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism, Multiculturalism and the Media, (London: Routledge, 1994), p, 14.

[31]Ibid.

[32]See Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 132.

[33]Ibid.

[34]See Homi Bhabha, “The Third Space : Interview with Homi Bhabha” in Jonathan Rutherford (ed.), Identity,

Community, Culture, Difference (London: Lawrence and Wighart, 1990), p, 211.

[35]See Moroccan Theatre between East and West, p, 133.

[36]Ibid. pp, 133-134.

[37]Ibid. p, 134.

Ta’ziya Theatre from a Constructive Approach

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Iraqi pilgrims in Karbala, Iraq

Rabat - Ta’ziya  is a performing tradition out of many that were celebrated in the East before the appropriation of the Western model.

Ta’ziya is a formulaic space resurrecting the historical memory of the martyrdom of Hussein –grandson of the prophet Muhammad (PBUH)—, his family and his companions who had refused to pledge allegiance to Yazid. I would like to maintain that this performing tradition is incontrovertibly the most tragic form of all the other Islamic performing traditions.[1]

Historically speaking,[2] on Othman’s tragic death, Ali was elected as his successor Caliph. The legitimate heir to the spiritual headship of Islam, as a temporal chief, Ali came before his time. Chivalrous, brave, and talented, his humanity and gentleness were mistaken for weakness. His short government was disturbed by internal rebellions. The first was suppressed without difficulty. While engaged in attending to the second, spearheaded by Muawiyah, who held the governorship of Syria, Ali was assassinated by a zealot, one of a body who in a foolish bid wanted to bring peace to Islam by the murder of both the Caliph and the rebel governor.

The latter escaped, but Ali fell a casualty of their fanaticism. Upon the murder of Ali his eldest son, Hassan, was elected to the Caliphate, but, fond of ease, he was easily induced to let go of his position in favour of Muawiyah. Muawiyah died in 680 A.C, and was succeeded by his son Yazid, the Domitian of the Arabs. Hussein had never conceded the title of Yazid, whose vices he despised and whose character he abhorred. Yet, when the Muslims of Mesopotamia invited and pleaded him to release them from the Omayyad yoke, he felt it his responsibility to respond to their plea. In 680 A.D., Hussein led both his family and adherents from Al-medina to Kufa at the request of his Muslim followers there. On his way to the city, and specifically on the plains of Karbala, he was intercepted by Yazid’s troops, which save for the women and a sickly child had him slaughtered along with his followers and escorts after a siege that lasted for ten days. His body was decapitated by Shimr, and the head was sent to Yazid in Damascus for display as a trophy, but was later buried with the body in Karbalaa. Therefore, the people of Kufa, the partisans of Ali, repented their failure to give Hussein their promised support.

Deserted by the Kufi Muslims, Hussein fought till death for his ideals in the face of oppression. The butchery of Karbala prompted a thrill of horror throughout Islam, and gave birth in Persia to an undying national sentiment. Indeed, for the Shiites, the killing of Hussein elevated him to the greatest martyr of humankind, and they strongly held that to shirk sustained thinking about redemptive priorities is neither good humanity nor good Islam. This comes clear in the following quotation:

The Saba'ites furnished the Shiite movement with a theological basis; and the massacre of Hussein, followed by Mukhtar's rebellion, supplied the indispensable element of enthusiasm. Within a few years after the death of Hussein his grave at Karbala was already a place of pilgrimage for the Shiites. When the ‘Penitents’ (al-tawwabun) revolted in 684 they repaired thither and lifted their voices simultaneously in a loud wail, and wept, and prayed God that he would forgive them for having deserted the prophet’s grandson in his hour of need. “O God,” exclaimed their chief, “have mercy on Hussayn, the Martyr and the son of a martyr, the Mahdi, the Siddiq and the son of a Siddiq! O God! We bear witness that we follow their religion and their path, and that we are the foes of their slayer and the friends of those who loved them.” Here is the germ of the taziyas, or passion plays, which are acted every year on the 10th of Muharam, wherever Shiites are to be found.[3]

The word Ta’ziya itself is an “expression of condolence in general or consolation,”[4]indeed it means “expressions of sympathy, mourning, and consolation.”[5] Mourning is meant for the dead, while consolation is intended for the bereaved. For the Shiites, ta’ziya represents an annual event commemorating the murder of Ali’s descendants.[6] Samuel Chew avows that, “the tragedy of the house of Ali was not dramatized until quite recently, probably towards the close of the eighteenth century or even in the first years of the nineteenth.”[7] This avowal is factual if Chew relates the performance of this event to the conventional stage before an audience who paid admission. However, since the second half of the 10th century, the event has been annually performed as a ritual drama in public places and in private homes during the first 10 days of Muharram, especially in Egypt, Iraq and Lebanon.[8]Ta’ziya endorsed itself and gained import after Shiism prevailed and became the state religion of Persia (namely, after the Safavids came to power in A.D. 1502.[9])

In reminiscence of Hussein’s heroic martyrdom, the Shiites per annum spend the whole ten days of Muharram mourning and lamenting as a way of redemption, indeed as an expression of grief. On this basis, they have invented a passion play enacted in three interrelated complementary parts, opening with majlis al-ta’ziya[10] (mourning assemblies), followed by mawa:kib al-‘aza’ (mourning processions) and culminating in ma?had a?ura:e (presentation of the events of the tenth of Muharram).[11]

Majlis al-ta’ziya takes place in a house or a hall. In this assembly a reciter relates a chapter of accidents pertaining to the Martyrdom of Hussein together with his family, boosting his narration with poems every now and then. On the 10th day, the processions/performances step out into the streets. The mourners march in a solemn convoy to Karbala, or the place representing it. Here they express their anguish and grief by mourning, and perform parts of the events of a?ura:e in a pageant. The slaughter of Hussein and his escorts forms the climax which deplorably shows the significant part of ma?had a?ura:e.

This performable compendious pageant recreates and revives the tragedy through acting and miming.Mohamed Al-Khozai maintains that this is a case in point from Arab culture where narrative expression employing prose, poetry and movement is purposefully deployed to bring to mind a crucial historical moment with the object of remembering and learning.[12]

It is not easy to precisely ascertain who compiled the verses of the myriad of texts of Ta’ziya. Whether poets or not, devout Shiites who felt the urge could dextrously compose verses of majlis. Strangely enough, poets who wrote verses for majlis ta’ziya chose to remain anonymous. The producers/directors of a majlis ta’ziya often functioned as “play-doctors” and thereby freely changed the script. Now and again an actor altered his speeches during the performance of a majlis.[13]

Despite the fact that ta’ziya did not produce a sophisticated performance style of dramatic literature, the Iranian ritual theatre attracted the attention of prominent dramatists worldwide such as Jerzy Grotowski, Tadeuz Kantor and Peter Brook. In his significant book, The Empty Space, Peter Brook shows a profound interest in building a strong relationship between audience and performer driven by gusto through and through. Additionally, he states that although the West strikingly craves for a ritual theatre, it has lost the ability to create such a theatre.[14] In his quest for a spiritual tradition which he believed Western theatre had lost, Brook turned his attention to the East and encountered the ta’ziya tradition. He found and spelled out that the ritual theatre of ta’ziya contained many essentials which he opined fundamental to all theatre. He says in a conversation,

The ancient theatre clearly was, and theatre must always be, a religious action; and its action is very clear: it is that by which fragments are made whole... The great force of artistic events is that they are temporary glimpses of what might be, and there is a healing process attached to these glimpses.[15]

In a related context, he strongly underlines the theatricality of this dramatic event, saying:

I saw in a remote Iranian village one of the strongest things I have ever seen in theatre: a group of 400 villagers, the entire population of the place, sitting under the tree and passing from roars of laughter to outright sobbing – although they knew perfectly well the end of the story -- as they saw Hussein in danger of being killed, and then fooling his enemies, and then being martyred. And when he was martyred, the theatre form became truth.[16]

Brook discovered the ta’ziya in search of elemental answers and came to the conviction that it significantly offered contributions. In the same vein, Lewis Pelly, a colonel in the British army, spent some time in Iran and was so impressed by the power of ta’ziya to move its audience that he took the time to collect fifty-two plays from oral tradition in spite of the fact that he had no specialised knowledge of theatre.[17]Also, the French traveller J.M. Tancoigne describes one of ta’ziya performances held in Tehran around the beginning of the nineteenth century. He reports that:

On a theatre erected opposite to the king’s kiosk, is to be seen the family of Hussein, represented by men in women’s dresses. They are in great agitation, seem to have foreboding of the dismal fate which that Imam must experience in the plain of Kerbela, and make the air resound with shrieks and dreadful groans. Horsemen soon arrive, load them with chains and carry them off. The two armies of Iman Hussein and the caliph Yazid then appear in the square: the battle commences; Hussein soon falls from his horse covered with wounds, and Yazid orders his head to be cut off. At that moment the sobbings and lamentations of all the assembly are redoubled; the spectators strike their breasts, and tears stream from every eye! On the following days, the representation of this tragedy is continued; Yazid successively destroys Hassan and the two children of Hussein, who had fallen into his power, and a general procession terminates the fifth day.[18]

As far as the performance space of majlis ta’ziya is concerned, it may beperformed in a variety of locations. Indeed, performances have been staged in open fields, at the crossroads of streets, in the courtyard of private homes, and within edifices erected for the sake of housing ta’ziya productions. Whenever accessible, a raised circular podium functions as the major performance area. The spectators surround this platform, leaving a number of aisles unoccupied for entrances and exits. Convoluted yet also lofty productions may also erect supplementary stages which extend into the audience and are deployed for the staging of short parts of action. Intermittently, a scene may involve the combined use of supplementary and underlying stages.[19]In this way, the performance space thrusts on the audience and encourages the onlookers to engage in the performance.

As to the setting, the non-use of curtains as well as the non-elaborate preparation of décor makes the action of a staged majlis easily flowable from one space to another. Lighting effects are not deployed to mark scenic divisions. One reason for this has to do with the fact that performances are not restricted to evenings; they may occur outdoors during daytime. Developed technical equipment may be unavailable.[20] So, by circling the space flanking the podium twice, a journey is indicated. The removal or addition of a piece of furnishings is in the main sufficient to propound a new situation, and should further information proves requisite, an actor smartly presents it in his speech.

Ta’ziya productions make use of fairly few props and minimal scenic decor[21]for practical, decorative or symbolic purposes. Swords, daggers and shields are amongst of the realistic props deemed implements of battle. The water skin and the ring worn by Hussein are other realistic props, which are loaded with symbolic meaning. They are intended to alleviate and quench the thirst of fatigued champions.Other props such as decapitated heads, detached hands, torn mannequins and dummy bodies are constructed prior to the production to produce particular effects.

As to the costumes, theyare colour-coded to maintain a rigid visual depiction of villains and heroes. Antagonists are donned in red, while male protagonists are attired in green or white and female protagonists are attired in black. The symbolism indicated by these colours is relatively flagrant and palpable. Red attire signifies the bloodthirsty and murderous nature of the antagonists. Green wearers are associated with the descendants of the Prophet, yet the white colour represents burial shrouds. Black signifies mourning. Angels, ghosts, and fairies put on specialized attire to distinguish themselves from the rest of the characters.[22]

As to acting, religious characters, preachers and their acolytes equally partake in the making of ta’ziya. The descendants of Hussein, called sayyids, monopolise the important roles which impart them the rightful claim for gifts from patrons.[23]Strikingly, some of the most difficult roles to cast are those of the villains – Yazid, the Umayyad head of state, and Shimr, the military commander who decapitated Hussein— in that they will always symbolize evil. As the plot unfolds and as Shimr sets upon and beheads Hussein,[24] no onlooker is astonished to see Shimr in tears for the oppressed Imam, for it is obvious it is not Shimr crying but the performer. Performers develop a representational style in which they recite the lines of the character but do not become one with the character.For this purpose, the text or the actor’s lines are read from a piece of paper even when the ta’ziya performer knows his lines by heart.[25] Here is a case in point in which an actor became too engaged and needed to remind his audience that he is Mr. Sulaymani acting Abbas while reciting an ode that he himself compiled. At some point during his part,, he highlights the distinction between himself and the character he was playing:

I am not Abbas; neither is this Karbala

I am Sulaymani, the slave of the King of heavenly power.[26]

Gestures signalling mourning and grief such as throwing straw on the head and beating the chest are interestingly pregnant with religious and psychical dimensions.Remarkably, these “dramatic” conventions are not proper to Islamic cultures alone, but are typical to Middle Eastern cultures as well and, in the main, extend back to pre-Christian funeral and interment rites and rituals. Another exemplary gesture bearing symbolic implication emanates from the spectators themselves, and largely pertains to the Islamic convention of collective involvement in obsequies and the last rituals of the dead. When the body of a martyr is carried through the audience to be placed on stage, those who are close to the procession strive to lend a hand. The spectators not close enough to actually assist in carrying the body stretch out their hands to show their help and support.[27]

The battle scenes are choreographed sequences bearing resemblance to dancing patterns.[28] In the main, the battle commences in the performance space and then continues off stage. In the brief ensuing fight, the protagonist may depart pursued by the antagonists, and promptly re-enter attired in a blood-spattered and torn shroud yet apparently still being chased by the villains. Often, the killing of the hero happens off stage and his body is carried out before the audience.[29]

Several symbols are for the most partwrapped in the intricate folds of the performances of ta'ziya andare as meaningful to refer to as they are copious in number. For instance, there are audio-visual symbols present in the performance. There is the shroud, a visual symbol of martyrdom. There are red stains of blood signifying wounds, yet green versus red colours are indicative of good and evil. The giving out of water represents the thirst from which Hussein’s family suffered. Good characters chant their odes, whilst bad characters declaim their lines. Both the cast and spectators engage in a chest beating and lamenting to form a unified expression of grief against the oppressors and a unified expression of condolence for the oppressed. In this vein, Beeman maintains that “the flexibility of representation in ta’ziya through costumes, props and language serves to reinforce the connections between the action and the everyday lives of the spectators.”[30]

At this stage, I am able to notice that the drama of ta’ziya contains three fundamental elements belonging to the European conventional drama: plot, mimicry and characters playing on a stage before an audience.Another analogy between ta’ziya and the European play is manifested in the audience helping the actors act out and partake in the story. In the European passion play as in ta’ziya during certain episodes, the audience participates in the performance. Ta’ziya is also characterized with another lineament of overarching significance to ritual drama: the chorus.Sometimes the audience acts as a chorus in ta`ziya, and members of the audience also beat on their chests as an act of emotional discharge. In Pr. Khalid Amine’s words,

The performance becomes a yearly occasion whereby the Shiites’ historical guilt is re-enacted leading to a collective emotional discharge and purging of their souls. The performance contains many grotesque elements of real torture and violence which the performers willingly inflect upon themselves. It becomes one of the greatest redemptive acts in history.[31]

I venture to maintain that ta’ziya resembles the European passion play in that the antagonists malignantly and viciously slaughter the protagonists. Ta’ziya ends with the episode of the final slaughter of Hussein, but the European Passion Play contains one more act in which the resurrection of Christ is enacted.

However, Ta’ziya was unwittingly considered by Peter J. Chelkowsky as “the only indigenous drama engendered by the world of Islam.”[32] This Chelkowskian Eurocentric statement tends to foolishly and ignorantly stigmatize and exclude as well other time honoured, performing traditions entertaining Muslims throughout millenniums, a statement so typical to the western dynamics of excluding otherness. To put it differently yet critically, by saying that ta’ziya is the only dramatic genre and form invented by Muslims, Chelkowsky seems unable to emancipate himself fromthe tendency of exclusion, which is premised on the false dogma of Eurocentrism, adding up largely and significantly but also unknowingly to the estrangement of the Eurocentric mind. In this respect, Pr. Khalid Amine maintains that “ta’ziya remain[s a] proof of a substantial theatricality in the Islamic traditions that remained unnoticed or rather ignored.”[33] Indeed, naturalist Eurocentrism is as false as day is plain to everyone with open eyes.

I observe that the concept of ta’ziyaperformances remind us of its similarities with the fundamental concept of dramatic performance: a group of people gathered in front of a space to see a group of actors performing a story, which is surely like a myth, a story they already know. I may also make a few observations that ta’ziya is, like the Dionysian festival in ancient Greece, is held per annum with advance preparation. The performance is intended to honour and venerate a religious figure and to evince sincere emotions for him into the bargain. Yet “[w]hile Pharaonic drama was confined and died within the temples, the ta’ziya was not restricted to its Husseiniya but stepped out on the street.”[34] It is characterised by its participative energies which imparts it the status of an enormous performing event wherein everybody is acting and playing.[35] On the thematic plane, the story of Hussein perfectly represents the model of a tragic hero par excellence. His consciousness of his foredoom in Karbala is attested in Shiite sources in which he states that he utterly resigns himself to the will of God who destined his demise to occur in that place at that time. This reminds us of the inevitable prophecy in Greek tragedy.

[1] See for example M. Rezvani, Le théâtre et la dance en Iran (Paris Maison : neuve et la rose, 1962)

[2] The historical information here are taken from Ameer Ali Sayed’s The Spirit of Islam: A History of the Evolution and Ideals of Islam (London: Christophers, 1922). See chapter VIII (from 268 to 290).

[3] See Reynold A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), PP, 217-218.

[4] See Landau, Studies in the Arab Theatre and Cinema (Philadelphia: U.P.P., 1958), p, 5. For more details see Pettys, Rebecca’s The Ta’zieh, Ritual of Renewal in Persia (Indiana University, 1982)

[5] See P. Chelkowski, “Ta’zieh: Indigenous Avant-Garde Theatre of Iran,” Performing Arts Journal, 2, 1977. PP, 31-40.

[6] Ali was the Prophet’s cousin and the husband of his daughter Fatima. He became the fourth Caliph in A.D. 656.

[7] See S. Chew, The Crescent and the Rose: Islam and England During the Renaissance (New York: Octagon Books, Inc., 1965), PP, 229-230.

[8]Ta’ziya is performed publically, especially in Iran and Iraq (majority Shiites), whilst it is performed in private houses in other Sunni Muslim countries, where the majority are Sunni Muslims.

[9] Persia’s intimate relationship with the house of Ali was a result of Hussein’s marriage to the Iranian princess, Sharbanu, daughter of the last Sassanian king, Yazdajerd.

[10] This majlis was established by Zainab, the daughter of Ali and the sister of Hussein to commemorate the tragedy of Karbala.

[11] For more details about the events of Karbala, see Peter Chelkowski (editor), Ta’ziyeh Ritual and Drama in Iran (New York: N.Y.U.P., 1979), pp, 12-22.

[12] See Mohamed Al-Khozai, The Development of Early Arabic Drama: 1847-1900. London: Longman, 1984. pp, 25-29.

[13] See Elwell-Sutton, L.P. “The Literary Sources of the Ta’zieh” in Ta’zieh Ritual....pp, 167-168, ‘Anayatullah Shahidi “Literary and Musical Developments in the Ta’ziyeh” in Ta’zieh Ritual...., pp. 41-43, and Beeman, “Cultural Dimensions of Performance in Iranian Ta’zieh” in Ta’zieh Ritual....p, 25.

[14] See Peter Brook, The Empty Space (New York: Atheneum, 1968).

[15] See “Learning on the Moment: A Conversation with Peter Brook,” Parabola, 4 May, 1979, p. 52.

[16] - Parabola (1979).

[17] For more details see Lewis Pelly, The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain (London: Gregg International, 1879).

[18] See F. Tancoigne, A Narrative of a Journey into Persia and Residence at Tehran (London, 1820), PP, 169-201.

[19] See P. Chelkowski, “Ta’zieh: Indigenous Avant-Garde Theatre of Iran,” in Ta’zieh Ritual....p, 5.

[20] See Samuel Peterson, “The Ta’zieh and Related Arts,” in Ta’zieh Ritual....p, 69.

[21] See Chelkowski, op. cit. Pp, 9-10.

[22] Ibid., p, 9.

[23] See R. Strothman, “Ta’zieh,” in Ta’zieh Ritual...., pp, 711-712.

[24] See Mayel Baktash, “Ta’zieh and its Philosophy” in Ta’zieh Ritual...p, 106.

[25] Ibid., p, 108.

[26] See Parviz Mamnoun, “Ta’zieh from the View Point of Western Theatre” in Ta’zieh Ritual.....p, 158.

[27] See Chelkowski, op. cit., p, 6.

[28] See Margot Berthold, A History of World Theatre (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1972), P, 27.

[29] Ibid.

[30] See Beeman, op. cit., p, 28.

[31] See Khalid Amine, Moroccan Theatre Between East and West (Le Club du Livre de la Faculté des Lettres et des sciences Humaines de Tétouan, 2000), P, 26.

[32] See Peter J. Chelkowsky (ed), Ta’zieh: Ritual and Drama in Iran (New York: New York University Press, 1979), P, 1.

[33] See Moroccan Theatre between East and West, P, 28.

[34] See The Development of Early Arabic Drama 1847-1900, P, 28.

[35] See See Khalid Amine, Moroccan Theatre Between East and West (Le Club du Livre de la Faculté des Lettres et des sciences Humaines de Tétouan, 2000), pp, 26-27.

The First People

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The First People, anciant times

Kenitra - “Why should we be so arrogant as to assume that we're the first homo-sapiens to walk the earth?” (J.J. Abrams et al., 2010)

No one remembers one’s moment of birth and neither does humanity. The beginning of man is a scientific mystery. This article, however, is not about how man came to be, but about shortly after that; it is about the dawn of humanity, a missing chapter in human history. People, in this forgotten chapter, mapped the earth and sky long before there were ancient Egyptians or Jews. They are not to be confused with Australopithecus, Homo Habilis, or Homo Ergaster. Instead, they are remembered by ancients as ‘gods’ because it is they who first engineered societies, leaving baffling traces on earth.

The idea of how humanity’s progress began is relative. Before the enlightenment, human civilizations throughout history viewed the past as glorious and expected the future to simply resemble and repeat the past. Mankind did not think highly of themselves until after Kant declared the motto “Sapere aude,” - dare to think for yourself. But the question remains: what is it in our distant past that made the ancients behold it with such impressiveness?

Scientific and technological progresses do not necessarily take thousands of years. The pace can be exponential, slow, or even regressive - exponential through accidental breakthroughs and inventions, e.g. the 20th century, but slow when impeded by a major force such as the Roman church or the Black Death that prolonged the dark ages for a century. Regression occurs due to a massive loss of knowledge, e.g. the burning of the Alexandria Library in 391 A.D. The idea that scientific and technological development takes millennia is an impression that we get from our assessment of the known history. Progress is inevitable and desirable for any civilization.

The progress of science and technology changes the way we live presently as well as how we see the past and future. Our expectations of the future change based partly on the breakthroughs we make and the pace of the scientific development. Our visions of the past, too, change as we develop new ways of investigating facts. The current worldview of the past is that things were primitive, and that mankind emerged from a state of barbarism to become smarter and more capable. However, emerging evidence suggests otherwise beginning with Plato’s account of Atlantis, although, across the past two millennia, his account was considered fictional. In 1882, U.S. Congressman Ignatius Loyola Donnelly published his book ‘Atlantis: The Antediluvian World’ in which he gathers the then-available evidence in favor of an early mighty civilization that was far more advanced than they had any right to be. He mainly studied ancient myths and believed Plato’s account of Atlantis to be historically accurate.

Forty-seven years later, in 1929, a medieval map called Piri Reis was found at the Imperial Palace library in Constantinople (Istanbul). This map inexplicably depicts, with unprecedented fine details, the continents of South America and Antarctica corresponding to present longitude and latitude albeit it dates back to 1513. It was not until after the Piri Reis map discovery that other maps of high precision started emerging, eg: the Ribero maps 1520-30, the Ortelius map 1570, and the Wright-Molyneux map 1599 (McIntosh, 2000:59).

The Piri Reis map was thought to have been based on Columbus’ explorations, though he never surveyed South America. Later, Charles Hapgood studied the map intensively and concluded that a remote and advanced civilization had existed and mapped the unexplored parts of the world before Columbus’ time (Hapgood, 1966). Hapgood’s unorthodox theory of earth crustal displacement also accounts for a preexistent civilized culture in Antarctica. Albert Einstein found that Hapgood’s ideas had scientific worth (Einstein, 1953).

Years later in 1978, Brad Steiger’s book ‘Worlds Before Our Own’ rekindled the issue of past advanced societies. Steiger studied the OPA (out-of-place artifacts) to support his theory which challenged the well-accepted idea that if humans were primitive in the past, common sense then says the deeper one digs down into the earth the more un-advanced artifacts one finds. What he actually found was that some advanced human artifacts are located in the lowest primordial geologic strata whereas primitive ones are located in upper strata (thus labeled Out-of-Place Artifacts). He also presented evidence that strongly suggests the cohabitation of dinosaurs and humans. Steiger’s unconventional book fueled other subsequent works such as Dead Men's Secrets (1986), Forbidden Archaeology (1993), The Orion Mystery (1993), Fingerprints of the Gods (1995), and Technology of the Gods (1999). But, Steiger’s book was also met with a great deal of criticism.

Today, theories such as Steiger’s, along with supporting evidence, call into question the current worldview of the first people. When one subscribes to this unconventional and unaccepted theory of history, one is then driven to speculate two possible past events that put an end to these historical societies. Either they were so advanced that they destroyed themselves, or they were destroyed by a global cataclysm from which a few survived. The first case seems less probable than the second although there might be some clues that imply ancient warfare.

“When the first atomic bomb exploded in New Mexico, the desert sand turned to fused green glass. This fact, according to the magazine Free World, has given certain archaeologists a turn. They have been digging in the ancient Euphrates Valley and have uncovered a layer of agrarian culture 8,000 years old, and a layer of herdsman culture much older, and a still older caveman culture. Recently, they reached another layer, a layer of fused green glass” (New York Herald Tribune, 1947)

The assumption of uniformitarianism makes scientists attribute the current features of the earth surface to a slow process that took millions of years. The alternative view however suggests that these features are the result of a worldwide cataclysm that took place mere thousands of years ago. In this regard, three pieces of evidence in favor of the past cataclysm will be discussed.

First, we have the problem of the carbon dating method. Most geologists use carbon dating to determine the age of fossils and geologic strata. The reliability of this method requires a balance between the forming and decaying of radioactive carbon that has been maintaining its equilibrium for millions of years in earth’s atmosphere. However, carbon’s forming and decaying has not even yet reached equilibrium on earth for the amount of C14 that is being produced is greater than that which is being decayed. As a result, we cannot use today’s C14 ratio (0.0000765%) in the atmosphere as a benchmark to measure the presence of C14 in ancient fossils. Plus, it is hopeless to correlate earth’s epochs with the geologic column since the latter is based on fiction (Huse, 1983:15; Smith, 2012:242). Vertical petrified trees are the whistleblower that exposes the invalidity of the geologic column. Many petrified trees running across multiple geological strata have been observed in nature which could only suggest that these strata formed in a short period of time, a result of a rapid cataclysmal sedimentation for example, but not millions of years (Harold 1969; 1971, Rupke, N.A, 1970).

Secondly, there is scientific evidence of a past near-extinction event, also known as population bottleneck event. The two researchers William Amos and J.I. Hoffman from University of Cambridge found genetic evidence for a sudden and drastic decline of the world population to a very small number of people thousands of years ago (Amos & Hoffman, 2010:131-7). This is speculated to be caused by a worldwide cataclysm.

Third, there are stunning similarities among several ancient myths and legends of different people across the globe on the event of a past global catastrophe, more specifically a global flood similar to the one mentioned in both Biblical and Qur’anic accounts. Some of these myths are Sumerian creation myth (ca. 1600 B.C.), Ancient Greek flood myths, ancient myths of Kwaya, Mbuti, Maasai, Mandin, and Yoruba people in Africa, Yu the Great (ca. 2200 B.C.) and Nüwa in China, Tiddalik in Australia, Hopi mythology in North America, Unu Pachakuti myth of the Incas in South America and this is not the end of the list for there are more than 500 ancient deluge legends (Cox, 1997:198; Dey, 2012: 112; Wohl, 2000:273; LaViolette, 2005: 235). These myths are traces of a global collective memory referring to an actual event in the distant past.

Myths are fossils of history (Gray, 2004:15). They preserve history in ways that might not make sense to us. The dialogues of Plato regarding Atlantis are the most vivid memory of antediluvian societies we have today. Some myths that still recall some faint memories of the golden age depict these societies with magic and supernatural powers. Take the example of the Sanskrit epic of vimanas about a mythological flying machine. Recently, some researchers have immersed themselves into studying ancient myths from this perspective (ex: Max Igan, 2005), and they have found rather curious results.

Critical to the discussion of ancient advanced societies is concrete evidence to support the current bold claim of highly advanced societies in prehistory. The Nobel medalist and chemist Dr. Melvin Cook concludes that the earth underground oil deposits were formed as a result of a sudden and rapid burial of organic materials just a few thousands years ago (Cook, 1966; 1967). Thus, it could be the case that the oil deposits are ancient buried cities that turned into oil due to the sudden sedimentation and high pressure since the deluge would have had ruined and buried everything. In that sense, we might be burning the evidence simply by running an errand in a car.

The matter of concrete evidence requires speculation. How much do we really know about earth? Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. The evidence could be staring us in the face but we are just blinded due to the way we perceive and interpret facts. Due to a lack of perspective, we may not look for or see the evidence that is before us. There are, however, some tantalizing hints that ought to be considered seriously.

First, we must acknowledge that the biggest manmade edifices on earth are concrete evidence and their construction and purpose are still unexplained. For thousands of years, the Great Pyramid of Khufu had been the tallest structure on earth until the Empire State Building skyscraper was completed in 1931, and still is “the most colossal single building ever erected on the planet” (britannica.com). It is aligned to true geodetic North and its location is found to be the center of the earth landmass. This sort of precision entails a comprehensive knowledge of earth geography, e.g. Mercator projection, which is something very unexpected of ancient Egypt (Bauer, 2007:86). In addition to that, engineers and scientists conclude that it is impossible to replicate the great pyramid despite the sophisticated technology we have nowadays given the structure’s immensity and staggering precision (Fix, 1984; West, 1993; Hancock, 1995; Rux, 1996: 265; Dunn, 1998; Amato, 2007:4; Atiya & Lamis, 2007:3; Beaudoin & Joseph, 2007:54; Sheldon, 2009:146-147; Cadose, 2012:75).

“Scientists have conceded that modern man cannot build a great pyramid that would retain its shape for thousands of years without sagging under its own weight.” (Gray, 2004:172)

The engineer Markus Schulte, however, speculates that if it were possible to replicate the Great Pyramid alone, it would today cost us some $35 billion (Malkowski, 2010:117). Investing such money in such colossal structure, that is not even habitable, and without any expected profit, is something we certainly would not do today. So the question of ‘how was it built?’ is of less importance to ‘why was it built?’

One of the latest theories that seems to explain why the Giza pyramids were built is the Orion Correlation theory (1993) advanced by Robert Bauval. The theory suggests that the three pyramids at Giza mirror the three stars in the Orion constellation, also known as Orion’s belt, and the position of the Nile River in relation to the pyramids mirrors the position of the Milky Way galaxy in relation to the Orion constellation. Bauval observes that the shaft within the Great Pyramid was, in the past, oriented towards the middle star of Orion’s belt which is the star representing the same pyramid. However, that is not all there is to the theory. Bauval’s theory does not make much sense without taking into consideration the astronomical phenomenon called precession of the equinoxes, also called the Great Year or the Platonic Year. This phenomenon is plainly earth’s third cycle after the daily and annual ones. The cycle is either caused by the slow wobbling of the earth due to the moon gravitational pull or by the whole solar system moving in a helical orbit. Its implication is that the night sky stars move backward across the eons. As a result, the position of constellations in the night sky for the ancient is not the same as of their position nowadays. Every time the sun rises in the morning of the vernal equinoxes (March 20th and September 22nd), the background constellation on the horizon of that morning is one of the Zodiac constellations. One cycle is completed when the entire Zodiac constellations come to pass. The NASA estimates the cycle to last 25,800 years making each constellation last 2,125 years in the morning of the vernal equinoxes.

So how is that information relevant to the Giza plateau? Well, in the immediate vicinity of the pyramids we have the Sphinx which faces east. The Sphinx shape seems to resemble a lion, and thus Bauval suggests that it symbolizes the Zodiac constellation of Leo. In the morning of the equinoxes, the Sphinx, in the present era, faces the constellation of Pieces and is slightly shifting towards the constellation of Aquarius, but by running a computer backward simulation of the earth precession, we find that the Sphinx at some point in the remote past used to face the constellation of Leo from 10,970 to 8810 B.C. Now the eureka moment is when we line up the shaft inside the Great pyramid with the middle star of Orion’s belt in that epoch and at last we have an exact date of around 10,450 B.C. So all of a sudden the pyramids are no longer tombs but a gigantic clock that has a date frozen into its structure.

The first scientific recognition of the precession cycle took place in ancient Greece (129 B.C.) by the astronomer Hipparchus. However, ancient Mesopotamia, Maya and Egypt somehow knew about the cycle and we do not know whether this knowledge was handed down from earlier times or they scientifically discovered it. This cycle tracks time on a large span and it is “extremely difficult to observe, and even harder to measure accurately, without sophisticated instrumentation” (Hancock, 1995:231). Using the cycle as an astronomical clock with the help of an eternal structure that defeats the eons of time and all of that with staggering precision is something very remarkable that presupposes a thorough knowledge of astronomy and engineering.

At this point it is doubtful to think that ancient Egyptians designed and built the Giza Necropolis. We know many aspects of ancient Egyptian daily life with the minutest details. However, there is no single mention of: “Oh, by the way, we also built the pyramids” in their hieroglyphs records or even any hieroglyph inscription inside the three main pyramids. Some evidence even suggests that the site predates the legendary flood. Incrustations of natural salt were found inside the great pyramid when it was opened for the first time (Dinwiddie, 2001:164). Furthermore, in the 1750's, the naval captain and explorer Frederic Norden reported the existence of a great number of oysters and seashells in the vicinity of the pyramids and the Sphinx. In his Histories, Herodotus also reports that he observed in the surrounding area of the pyramids seashells and signs of salt water calcification back then (Herodotus, ca. 450 B.C., Book II:12). All of that evidence seems to suggest that maybe the Giza plateau was once under water. Then what about the strong tie between ancient Egyptians and the Giza plateau? Aside from ancient Egypt, most ancient civilizations exhibit a sort of obsession and admiration for pyramid-like structures which could originally be ascribed to the three pyramids at Giza. Further, the failed attempts to reproduce the pyramids on a small scale, like the case of the three Queen’s Pyramids, explain how impressed ancient Egyptians were by the colossal three edifices. It is not so crazy after all to assume that ancient Egyptians founded their entire civilization in the vicinity of the Giza plateau only to be identified with the immensity of the structures.

If one assumes that the correlation theory is valid, then what is special about the remote date at which the Giza plateau hints? In general, 10,000 B.C. is a very significant date in our conventional wisdom. It is the date when the late ice age ended. It marks the first appearance of wooden buildings, human settlements in the Americas and the domestication of animals. Remains of humans in caves and a remarkable transformation marked with the introduction of farming all date back to the same era. All these sudden developments could signify two possible scenarios.

The first scenario suggests that humans were witnessing the most significant step in their long chain of evolution. The second suggests humans were actually recovering from a worldwide cataclysm. Following the line of the second, and less known, scenario, one cannot expect survivors of a cataclysm to build cities right from the start. They would have to spread out over the earth which would eventually result in linguistic deviation. Keeping track of one another would not be possible due to the absence of means of communication. This latter may explain the absence of historical accounts before the city of Uruk made its appearance ca. 4500 B.C. So instead of progressing forward, humans would have to go through a phase of silence characterized by the struggle with nature and the use of archaic tools before they start coming together to build urban centers.

The book ‘Noah to Abram: The Turbulent Years: New Light on Ice Age, Cave Man, Stone Age, the Old Kingdoms’ by Erich A. Von Fange highlights the striking similarities between the knowledge we have about early archaic human cultures of the Lower Paleolithic period (Oldowan, Acheulean and Mousterian tool cultures) and the case of a post-cataclysm man trying to survive upon the ruins of their ancestors. Given the growing body of evidence, the second view is now becoming more recognized in outer circles. The Roland Emmerich movie 10,000 BC (2008), for example, opted for the cataclysm scenario for which it received sharp criticism from the academic circle and was dubbed archaeologically and historically inaccurate. Going back to the Giza plateau, why would the ancient go to such trouble to build huge monuments that hint at a specific date? Why is 10,000 B.C. an important date for the pyramid builders? What was happening back then?

Just a little while after 10,000 B.C., all cultures seem to have started emerging simultaneously with no substantial signs of preliminary phases. They went from being hunter-gatherers to becoming citizens with rights and responsibilities.

“How does a complex civilization spring full-blown into being? Look at a 1905 automobile and compare it to a modern one. There is no mistaking the process of ‘development’. But in Egypt there are no parallels. Everything is right there at the start. The answer to the mystery is of course obvious but, because it is repellent to the prevailing cast of modern thinking, it is seldom considered. Egyptian civilization was not a ‘development’, it was a legacy.” (West, 1979:13)

The sudden appearance of cities is probably backed up by solid knowledge of sophisticated social structure. The presence of a high culture the like of ancient Egypt in such epoch is in itself very enigmatic. Furthermore, the superiority of ancient Egypt over ancient Greece is indisputable although Egypt is older. Herodotus and many other modern historians have pointed out this contradiction (McCants 1975:62). Even earlier than Herodotus, Solon’s account embodies a small talk between the two cultures. Solon (d. ca. 559 B.C.) was an Athenian statesman and a distant ancestor to Plato. He had a conversation with an ancient Egyptian priest in which he was told:

“ ‘O Solon, Solon, you Hellenes are never anything but children, and there is not an old man among you.’ Solon in return asked him what he meant. ‘I mean to say,’ he replied, ‘that in mind you are all young; there is no old opinion handed down among you by ancient tradition, nor any science which is hoary with age. And I will tell you why. There have been, and will be again, many destructions of mankind arising out of many causes’ ” (Plato’s Timaeus, ca. 360 B.C.)

The key to this mystery is that it is highly probable that some people may have kept valuable knowledge originating from the first people that allowed them to prosper faster and earlier than others. For example some Egyptologists conclude that ancient Egyptian high priests possessed some powerful secret knowledge to which the triumph of ancient Egypt was attributed (Nuttall, 1839:668; West, 1979 :24; Linke, 2012:28; Hancock, 1995:361; Marks, 2001), like the knowledge of electricity (Childress, 1996:18).

The first people certainly left some remnants of their advanced science that still linger even up to today. In astronomy for instance, the artificial division of the celestial longitude zones into 12 Zodiac constellations of 30 degrees each along with the awareness of the celestial precession seem to be descending from a higher culture. In addition to that, the heliocentric view of the world is not new. Its earliest traces date back to ancient Sanskrit texts (e.g. Yajnavalkya, ca. 900 B.C. and Aryabhata ca. 550 B.C.) and later Aristarchus of Samos (ca. 230 B.C.). In that sense, the Copernican revolution is rather a revival of lost knowledge.

“Contrary to history as we know it, in that remote period we call ‘prehistory’, there subsisted an embarrassing wealth of astronomical knowledge. And may I suggest that the more one looks into it, the more one feels that a race of scientific giants has preceded us.” (Gray, 2004:105)

In medicine, alternative medicine with its unknown origin entails a deep knowledge of human anatomy that made its way to modern day and has been acknowledged by the World Health Organization despite being still not understood.

In physics, knowledge of electricity may also have existed in prehistory. The German archaeologist Wilhelm König found a 2000-year-old ancient battery, known as the Parthian Battery, in the National Museum of Iraq in 1938 (Handorf, 2002:84–7). The battery is reported to have been unearthed near Baghdad (the area of Khujut Rabu) during a 1936 excavation. In 1940, König produced a scientific paper on the battery based on which “Willard F. M. Gray, of the General Electric High Voltage Laboratory in Pittsfield, Massachusetts, built and tested several reproductions of the Khujut Rabu finds, all of which produced equivalent electrical input” (Kenyon, 2008:42). Moreover, aluminum is a metal that cannot be generated without electricity, which was not available until 1854. However, many items made of aluminum have been found in archaeological sites, e.g. in the burial site of general Zhou Chu (265-420 A.D.). As a matter of fact, electricity is the very first thing one stumbles upon once one starts studying matter, and it is not a difficult thing to rediscover especially if one has foreknowledge of its existence.

In geography, ancient maps undoubtedly fueled the age of maritime exploration. The Piri Reis map continues to amaze modern man not only for its accuracy but also for its depiction of Antarctica before it was supposedly discovered in 1819. The continent is depicted being free of ice with geological details that irrefutably correspond with the seismic echo sounding profile run by the Swedish-British-Norwegian Antarctic Expedition in 1949 (Ohlmeyer, the USAF Commander, in a letter to Charles Hapgood, 1960). Meanwhile, the Antarctica landmass is thought to have been under the ice cap long before our species even evolved according to Academia. So what are we seriously missing here?

“The difference between fiction and reality? Fiction has to make sense.”— Tom Clancy

Some of the ideas presented in this article may seem at odds but that is the nature of mysteries. They remain mysterious until someone makes sense of them. For example, Giza Pyramids preach for lost science and technology but their astronomical alignment preaches for a post-cataclysm construction which somehow does not make sense. This article is not trying to construct a systematic view of the past. It is rather an invitation to dig deeper into the past. Knowing our past is of great value. The past, the present and the future are all a one chain of events. The more we know about the past, the more we know ourselves and our possible directions.

The evidence to question what we know about the past of humanity is all around us. Some recognize it, some reject it, and some go to extreme views such as associating these perplexing legacies with ancient alien visits. The manner in which people react to evidence or anomaly is conditioned by attitudes towards the past and under the influence of the rampant contemporary philosophies of presentism and scientism or practices like obscurantism. Any anomaly in science could be a twinkling of a new discovery or paradigm shift that may be left unnoticed or even denied for fear of misoneism. A true scientific and intellectual honesty will never be achieved unless we are open to adjust or even reconstruct our theoretical assumptions accordingly until the anomalous, as Kuhn puts it, becomes expected (Kuhn, 1970:52). At a minimum, we show effort of reconciliation instead of burying our heads in sand. It is only a matter of time before man faces the greatest disappointment in science and its grand theories due to the snobbishness of present science. We are in a desperate need not only for a paradigm shift but, most importantly, for a scientific renaissance.

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The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

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Teachers’ Training in Morocco: The Case of English Language Teachers

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Moroccan English Langauge Teachers

Fez - Moroccan English language teachers undergo a lengthy process of training before actually becoming teachers. Nearly a majority of these trainings take place in governmental institutions like Ecole Normale Supérieure (ENS) and regional learning centers. While the majority of teachers will receive formal training before work, some Moroccan teachers receive in-service training while they are already teaching in Moroccan schools.

In general, the training content revolves around fundamental teaching methodology, educational psychology and school legislation. Prospective English language teachers will undergo a variety of training methods that utilize direct, audio-lingual and communicative approaches, among others. The training’s main objective is to acclimate teachers to the reality of a classroom work environment. However, given the inherently theoretical nature of these trainings, English teachers find themselves in a sharp paradox between what teachers know in theory and their performance in practice. This raises a concerning question: How closely do English language teachers adhere to teaching methods taught during their formalized training?

Assumption

It is assumed throughout the research application process that emphasis of teaching methods during training is not significant. It is thus necessary to conduct a test to prove the validity of this assumption by following a particular set of methodologies.

Methodology

The following methodology draws on diverse research methods, questionnaires, interviews and observational analysis. The diversification in research method aims to primarily generate reliable explanatory data. Mixed-method research is widely accepted to result in a high degree of reliability, with subsequent findings able to be crosschecked for agreement across research methods. This basic principle constitutes the methodological spirit of our research. The data gathering process and research tools are summarized as follows:

Before the actual administration of the questionnaire, guidelines inspired from Saïdi (2001, p. 59) and based on Churchill (1989) were strictly followed to design its content. The questionnaire’s content attempted, “avoidance of complicated structures and terminology; diversification of question formats (i.e. direct-indirect questions and close-open questions); precise specification of the content of the question and the appropriate choice of the questionnaire’s language.” Based on the last criterion, the questionnaire was translated into Standard Arabic, easily the most comprehensible language for Moroccan students fluent in Darija Arabic as compared to English or French. The questionnaire was then tested on four students who subsequently provided insightful remarks about its structure and content. The questionnaire’s sample size was one hundred prospective Baccalaureate students in their last year of Moroccan high school. However, it is beyond the scope of this paper to include the actual questions themselves. Moreover, the findings of this study are case specific and should not be generalized past the line of demarcation. Only questions that are of direct relevance to this topic are therefore included.

The pre-structured oral questionnaire is based on interviews with five English teachers for crucial data collection. Because some English teachers were conducting quizzes or altogether absent, we utilized high school administration, particularly the schoolmaster, to provide us with teachers’ schedules for the investigation days. The schoolmaster also provided us with a list of Baccalaureate level English teachers, greatly facilitating the early data gathering process. Later, the five English teachers were interviewed about their professional training as well as their utilized teaching methods.

For the in-class observations, we informed the five English teachers when we would attend their sessions with Baccalaureate students. They were very cooperative and conducive to our overall objective, reserving the last seats in the classrooms for us on our request so that classroom facilitation would not be hindered and we would simply observe. Some of the English teachers provided our researchers with their English textbook entitled Gateway to English and Insights into English in addition to grammar exercise handouts. The teachers explained that the incorporation of supplementary materials was necessary because many of the textbooks had their exercises already completed by past students, making the assigned exercises useless for new students who have the answers already completed for them. All five sessions were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim in order to precisely evaluate the amount of time allotted to each aspect of the teaching method under inquiry.

Participants

The type of participants in the study varies considerably depending on the type of research method employed. For the questionnaires, the sample size covers one hundred students whose background information is listed below:

Table 1. Student Background Information:

Student Background Information

For the interviews, five English Baccalaureate level teachers were interviewed. All instructors teach English at Hassan II High School in Beni-Mellal city in the central part of Morocco. The teachers’ background information is displayed below:

Table 2. Teacher Background Information

Teacher Background Information

The researchers observed typical daily classroom procedures and interactions between teachers and students.

Research findings: Questionnaire results

The statistical data derived from the questionnaires definitively confirmed the inapplicability of certain teaching methods that high school English teachers were trained to use at their designated training schools. The questionnaire’s specified questions can be categorized by the teaching method they were attempting to target: the Grammar Translation Method (GTM), the Direct Method (DM), The Audio-Lingual Method (ALM), the Silent Way, Suggestopedia, the Community Language Learning (CLL), the total Physical Response (TPR) and Communicative Language Teaching (CLT). Each section contains distinctive features of the specified teaching method under inquiry. In spite of the great deal of overlap that naturally occurs between teaching methods, some features are mutually exclusive; thus, the confirmation of one feature will automatically exclude other methods. For example, when students were asked how frequently their teacher translated texts and dialogue into English, an aspect related to GTM, the following results were obtained:

How often does your English teacher translate?

Frequency of translation

As shown above, 44% of students reported that their English teachers translate often, exhibiting good evidence of the GTM’s application. However, in the subsequent question when the same students were asked to rate the frequency of using the target language exclusively, the results were contradictory:

How often does your English teacher use the target language exclusively?

Exclusive use of the target language

Accordingly, the majority of students stated that their English teachers commonly use the target language exclusively. It then becomes problematic that answers provided to question two that exhibit one of the basic features of the GTM do not correlate with those provided to question four that exhibit a very distinctive feature of the Direct Method. Translation pertains specifically to the GTM, where the target language is not used exclusively, while the exclusive use of the target language is the inherent feature of the Direct Method, where translation is prohibited; the discordance between data sets leads us to believe that neither the GTM nor the DM are typically applied in the surveyed English classes.

One should also observe the extensive reliance on textbooks, a common teaching fault highlighted through the questionnaire’s data:

What does your English teacher use to teach you English?

Teaching materials

Clearly, textbooks distributed by the Ministry of Education are the prominent instructional material. The questionnaire results show that 67% of the surveyed students said textbooks are the most used English language instruction material.

Interview findings

In order to obtain qualitative data about teachers’ training, semi-structured interviews were conducted with five English teachers whose students answered the questionnaires. Three of these teachers received training in ENS, CPR or the Faculty of Sciences of Education from 1991 to 1992, spending one year in the training schools. Conversely, two of teachers did not receive any training at all; in the past, teachers and professional employees were generally enrolled directly into given professions and did not need to receive training. The only training these older teachers received was in-service in the classroom.

When asked which teaching methods they knew of, all five English teachers reported their familiarity with the aforementioned teaching methods. Yet when they were asked to rate the applicability of those teaching methods, they provided the following results:

 Applicability of teaching methods

The justifications for these ratings slightly vary between teachers. Those that said teaching methods are 20% to 40% applicable justified this rating because the newly administered curriculum and fulfilling the Official Ministry Specifications make it difficult to follow the methods to the tee. The most striking justification was provided by respondent 3, who highlighted that, “The theoretical assumptions on which the teaching methods or approaches are based do not take into account variables of daily classroom practice.” Those that rated the applicability from 60% to 80% argue that, “Knowledge of most teaching methods is valuable for their facilitation of classroom practices,” (respondent 5).

In practice, the interviewed English teachers use five teaching methods and approaches: Competency Based Approach, Standards-Based Approach, Communicative Approach, Eclectic Approach, and Project Based Approach. Their usage is distributed as follows:

Applied teaching methods and approaches

 

CBA: Competency Based Approach; SBA: Standards Based Approach; CA: the Communicative Approach; EA: the Eclectic Approach; PBA: Project Based Approach.

The reasoning for preferring one method or the other varies dependent on teacher:

Reason for using chosen method

Observational results

Every English class was observed once throughout the survey. Each observation session lasted 40 minutes, with 200 minutes of total observation time across every class. All observational sessions were recorded and transcribed verbatim from their recording for a precise account of categorical allocation for each subject:

Time allocation to teaching methods (in minutes)

NOTE: Two or more features can overlap; they may be accorded more or less the same time. If teaching methods received no time, they were automatically excluded.

It is promising that the features of three teaching methods received considerable time in the surveyed English classes. However, this cannot sufficiently prove their proper application, with researchers observing the absence of the following complementary features of each teaching method:

1. GTM: Although they focused on grammar, teachers based their teaching on textbooks and supporting materials, like handouts containing grammar exercises, rather than extracting grammatical rules from literary passages as this method calls for.

2. DM: The exclusive use of the target language was dominant in the five English classes, which automatically contradicts GTM’s features. Inductive grammar teaching was also clearly the alternate to deductive grammar teaching. Making direct associations between words and their meanings instead of translation received relatively little time, but this alone is not sufficient to claim that the DM is implemented properly.

3. ALM: Behaviorism, the principle that underlies the foundation of ALM, received 6% of instructional time. ALM champions reinforcement of language through repetition and motivating reactions toward students. Again, claiming that ALM is applied in English classes cannot be proven given the lack of oral drills and memorized dialogues.

The garnered data reveals that although English teachers reported they utilize different methods, in actuality they practice the same techniques derived from three teaching methods: GTM, DM, and ALM.

Discussion of results

From the research findings, it is clear that there is a large gap between what teachers know in theory and how they actually perform in practice. Teachers reported that the teaching methods taught in training schools are 20% to 40% applicable in high school English. This relatively small percentage leads us to question the usefulness of training programs. Why do English teachers need to learn teaching methods when they aren’t completely applicable in actual classroom settings?

Recommendations

The research findings reveal a startling paradox between teachers’ training and classroom reality. Thus, we briefly recommend teachers’ educators:

1. To be fully aware of Moroccan classroom realities.

2. To emphasize teaching methods that can be applied to Moroccan realities.

3. To base teachers’ training on concrete evidence over theory.

Conclusion

This article’s main objective is to shed light on gaps in teachers’ training that are subject to a considerable amount of political discussion and planning. Questionnaires, interviews and classroom observations were incorporated into our research to give insights into Morocco’s education reality and to discover the extent that English language teachers adhere to their trained teaching methods. The findings of the research revealed that English language teachers generally adhere very loosely to these teaching methods. The usefulness of training teachers in Morocco thus becomes questionable. In this respect, it is strongly recommended that the variables of daily classroom life for English teachers in Morocco be taken into consideration when training future teachers.

Edited by Jack Stanovsek. Photo credit: Ayoub Nachit

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The Islam-bashing season is officially open in the West

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Kairaouine Mosque (Mosque of al-Qarawiyyin) in Fez Morocco

Rabat – There is no shadow of doubt hat the terrible acts of terrorism of Charlie Hebdo in Paris on January 7, 2015 are condemnable, by any cultural or religious standards of any human civilization. Violence wrecks the lives of individuals, families and societies and sows fear and hatred for years to come, if not to say for decades. 

Terrorism must, definitely, be checked, fought and, most importantly, stifled in the cradle, at its source or sources, by campaigns of sensitization, awareness-raising and most importantly education, bearing in mind that educating children into the love of the other and into brotherhod of humanity has been totally ignored, in a world that has gone global, too fast as the result of the digital revolution.

There are always inherent reasons for violence, for anger, for disappointment and for bitternes. No human being, nevertheless, is born violent, no human being is born angry or revengeful, it is his environment that makes him become so. However, education can play a major role in suppressing the fears, reducing the level of disgruntlement and discontent and replacing disenchantment by love and brotherhood of men.

Extreme poverty, overt injustice, racism, xenophobia, hatred, unemployment are undeniably states of mind that can push an indvidual to become violent and walk either the criminal or terrorist paths. This same individual can also be, easily, recuperated by evil spirits who can brainwash him into becoming the human delivery system of their ideology, wrapped in hate, violence and death.

Culture of marginalization

Many second, third, etc. generation of Muslim kids, all over Europe and, especially, in France, find themselves forsaken and alone, rejected by their countries of origin, because they do not speak the language and do not function properly in the culture, but, at the same time, they are rejected and abhorred by their country of birth and adoption and its selfish society.

In this particular situation, these adolescents, easily influenced, find themselves in need of identity, in need of belonging and in need of some sort of patriarchy. These fragile and unhappy kids are easly recuperated by loving and caring religious patriarchs. This is well illustrated in the excellent film of Nabil Ayyouch entitled “Horses of God,” which takes place in the shantytown of Sidi Moumen in Casablanca, where future terrorists of the May 2003 events, in this city, are recruited and trained to kill and maim.

With the economic crisis in Europe at its height, the fragile Muslim kids, who, are in majority school drop-outs, with no future prospects, are exasperated by their misfortune and further angered by the rise of racism and Islamophobia, fall prey to another form of extremism, Salafism, that preaches hate and death.

The extremism of certain European press

The visual depictions of the Prophet Muhammad are prohibited by the Islamic tadition. It is true that the Quran does not explicitly forbid drawings, but it forbids strongly idols and idolatry, however, the Sunnah, the other important source of the islamic faith, does vigorously. Muslims, whether Sunni or Shi’ite are all averse to visual representations of the Prophet, actually the Shi’ite represent Ali, the Fourth Rashidun Caliph but not the Prophet. This has encouraged, in Sunni Islam, the incredible development of calligraphy into a parallel artistic expression.

However, today things have changed, in many countries of the Muslim world, in spite of the rule banning idols, authorities erect statues of human heroes in public places like in Egypt, Iraq, Iran, etc. or things like bicycles in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, or Shells and dows in Bahrain, Qatar and UAE and are referred to as moujasamat.

In other countries, like Morocco, the statues are a definite no-no, but, on the other hand, paintings have flourished since independence and king Mohammed VI has even inaugurated, recently, a museum of modern art in Rabat, bearing his name.

[caption id="attachment_149828" align="aligncenter" width="567"]Calligraphy tile from Turkey (18th century), containing the names of God, Muhammad, and his first four successors, Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman and Ali Calligraphy tile from Turkey (18th century), containing the names of God, Muhammad, and his first four successors, Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman and Ali[/caption]

Following the unfortunate events of 9/11, many European press institutions decided to openly strike Islam where its hurts the most i.e. in the person of the Prophet Muhammad, who is considered sacred by 1,5 billion Muslims worlwide.

This well-orchestrated hate campaign was put into effect under the banner of freedom of expression, which is, of course, inscribed in gold in the constiutions of Western countries. The trial implementation of this project was initiated in the northern and, somewhat, remote Scandinavian country Danemark, where, a hitherto, unkown newspaper Jyllands-Posten published in 2006 a set of insulting and venemous cartoons, depicting the Prophet as a terrorist. This was the first frontal attack on Islam, as a faith, since the Crusades. The aim was three fold:

1- Denigrate the most sacred symbol of Islam and by so doing insult indirectly 1,5 billion Muslims and call them terrorists whether they are extremists or not (blanket treatment);

2- Check to what extent the Prophet is loved and respected by Muslims;

3- Check to what extent Islam is strong in the Muslim world; and

4- Check to what extent Muslims would go to defend their faith in the face of encroaching and defacing globalization and any form of scorn.

Charlie Hebdo’s onslaught on Islam

In September 2012, Charlie Hebdo took over the insulting task of the unknown Danish newspaper and basically made Islam-bashing its cheval de guerre. In January 2013, this satirical magazine announced its intention to publish a comic book on the life of the Prophet. As a reaction to that, in March of the same year, al-Qaeda of the Arabian Peninsula –AQAP- published a hit list of the offenders of the Prophet in which the magazine was included. Unfortunately, the terrorist design of this extremist organization was put to effect on January 7, 2015 by killing the journalists of Charlie Hebdo and by so doing opened the hell gate of the clash of faiths and the increase of the fervor of Islamophobia in the West.

Indeed, during the Paris march of Sunday January 11, 2015 many particiants were seen sporting the battle dress of the Crusaders. Already President Bush, in the aftermath of the unfortunate 9/11 has spoken about the Crusade. Would the Christian West, which is probably not that secular, after all, go on a crusade against the Muslim world?

For some, the Crusade war has started with the methodolical vilification of the Prophet Muhammad by the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo and the West is hiding behind this publication to see to what extent the Muslim world would go in defense of the Prophet. If the reaction is begnin, then the destruction of the faith will be progressively put in effect through massive secularization of the society, if it is otherwise, horses will be held back until further notice, maybe. As such, this satirical publication is, probably, only a small tool in a big design or rather a small cog in a huge machinery of scorn and hate.

Even after the January 7, 2015 massacre, Charlie Hebdo is still pursuing its attacks on Islam by publishing, yet again, a drawing of the prophet in the cover of its post-attack magazine issue saying, in a tearful manner: “Tout est pardonné” (All is forgiven). The question is: who is forgiving what? The Muslims forgiving the magazine for its repetitive insults, or the latter pardoning the Muslim radicals for decimating their leadership, or is it just a pure act of defiance, whereby the publication says to the Muslims, we will continue defiling your conscience come what may.

Probably the biggest achievemnt, to date, of Charlie Hebdo, this tiny and insignificant magazine, that thinks the world of itself, has destroyed, by the stroke of an insultng pen, all the efforts of rapprochement between the West and the Muslim world, undertaken painstaikingly after 9/11, because indeed after the umpteenth publication of the insulting drawings of the Prophet, immediately demonstrations erupted in Pakistan, Algeria, Jordan, Iran, Chechnya and Niger and indignation through the press or communiqués of political parties or NGOs, all over the Muslim world.

Once more, Charlie Hebdo has insulted openly and purposefully 1,5 billion Muslims all over the world, under the cover of the sacro-sanct ideal of freedom of expression, which probably should be renamed freedom of insult, whereby a handful of left wing atheists or else can make fun of the belief of billions of people across the world. Is not preached democracy wonderful, after all? Maybe the handful journalists are civilized and the billions of Muslims are barbarians, who need to be taught true civilization. In this condescending respect, Charlie Hebdo is adopting the time-old colonial and imperialistic values of the France of the past, but in a different way and approach.

Respecting the other in his “otherness”

The unfortunate massacre of Charlie Hebdo has drawn the whole West behind this magazine, as if to say, openly: “go about bashing Islam in the name of democracy,” with no respect, whatsever, of the other in his “otherness.” The message sent here is urging the Muslims to get rid of their belief and way of life and adopt the values of an alien culture, so much for cutural dialogue and peaceful coexistence. Democracy yes, but a democracy that respects the individual in his beliefs and culture, a democracy that is not insulting and demeaning and belittling the other.

Since the loathsome events of 9/11, the West has pursued a three-fold approach towards the Muslims:

The Use of the big stick:

Immediately after these terrible events, revengeful President Bush got a worldwide coalition and attacked Afghanistan and Taliban who, housed the extremist organization of al-Qaeda. But Bush did not think that was enough projection of the might of America in his crusade. In the same vein, he got together another coalition to bash, yet, another Muslim country i.e. Iraq, on the ground that it was going nuclear and as such represents a danger to its neighbors, especially after its attack on the small neighbor Kuwait to rob it as one would rob a bank. The onslaught on Iraq was painful to the whole Islamic world. The use of the American big stick reminded the Muslim world of the episode of the Crusades as well as that of colonization and not to forget, of course, the Spanish Reconquista and the following Inquisition. In the Muslim subconscious, the West symbolizes more and more emasculation, humiliation and belittling. Unfortuately, nothing is done, even today, to establish some sort of egalitarian relationship between the West and Islam, instead of the abhorred patron-client system in place is perduring.

The Encouragement of moderate Islam:

The omnipresent West encouraged actively the rise of moderate Islam in politics in the Muslim world and, as such, moderate Muslims of the Justice and Development Party –AKP-, which abondoned strict Islamist theory in favor of conservative democracy, arrived to power in Turkey in 2002 and still rules the country today,as a result, of its popularity and especially the economic boom its policies achieved in Turkey.

In Egypt, the Islamic party of Muslim Brothers al-ikhwan al-muslimun arrived democratically to power in 2012 with Morsi as president, one year later the army, at the instigation of, probably, the Americans, overthrew democracy and since al-Sisi, the military general turned civilian president, is still fighting the Ikhwan, crushing democratic aspirations of the Egyptians and trying, at the same time, to build a political coalition to counter moderate Muslim politicians in the Muslim world. A move that is, not only irresponible, but mostly unethical.

In Tunisia, the moderate Islamic party Ennahda, that came back from exile in Britain, after the demise of the dictator Ben Ali, to be elected democratically during the transitional phase, was recently brushed aside in favor of the new party Nidaa Tounes. Maybe because of their exile experience in Britain, they accepted the democratic game wholehearedly, a clever move that sets the stage for democracy in the only Arab Spring country in the region.

In Morocco, the revamping of the constitution in 2011, allowed the moderate Islamic party eponym of the Turkish one: the Justice and Development Party -PJD-, to assume power under the leadership of Benkirane, and is still at the helm, today, in a kind of power-sharing with the king. Unlike their Turkish friends, the Moroccan Islamic party policies are not popular, especially in their drive to reduce gradually subsidies to please the World Bank and disburden excessive public spending.

The Inter-faith and cultural dialogue:

In the aftermath of 9/11, many Western countries launched inter-faith and cultural dialogue with the Muslim world. At the beginning, the initiative was gratifying in every respect and managed to get people from both sides to talk and consider ways to achieve understanding by eliminating bad blood resulting from stereotyping, vilification and misunderstanding, but, soon, this important action lost steam and dwindled to mere empty meetings.

Alongside, the UN created, under its auspices, an organization called “Alliance of Civilizations,” which initially was inspiring but soon became a self-perpetuating institution highly-bureaucratic and inefficient, with no in-field presence and no promising initiatives.

In the Muslim world, however, the Islamic Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization –ISESCO- has since 1992, under the leadership of its able and charismatic Director General Dr Abdulaziz Altwaijri, a Saudi moderate Muslim intellectual and thinker, been continuously, in many of its programs, working towards establishing a lasting dialogue with the West through in-field activities in educaion, science and culture. In total silence and humilty. This inter-governmental organization part of OIC (Organization of Islamic Cooperation) has been extremely effective and the West can learn a lot from its long experience, undoubtedly.

[caption id="attachment_149829" align="aligncenter" width="681"]ISESCO’s headquarters in Rabat, Morocco ISESCO’s headquarters in Rabat, Morocco[/caption]

The Academic interest in the Muslim world:

Keen on establishing a better understanding of Islam, the Muslims and their culture, the American universities launched semester abroad programs in such countries as : Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman, etc. whereby students spend a full semester in one of these countries studying Arabic language, both classical and colloquial, as well as local culture and Islam, while living with local host families.

Obviously the aim of such programs is to train a number of undergraduates to become experts on the Muslim world and either work, later on, for the government or the private sector as advisors on this part of the world. In this position they can certainly further American political and military might and its economic and cultural interests in the area efficiently and in total political correctness.

Do you understand and speak “cultural sensitivity”?

The concept of cultural sensitivity is very high in America, which is a melting pot of many cultures and beliefs, coming from all over the world. To sustain harmoy between the different races and cultures, the Americans, in their daily life, put emphasis in the respect of the other and everything that is dear to him and close to his heart. Thus, they highlight the concept of cultural sensitivity in the overall American culture to the extent that it has become a sacred concept for them in their daily life. In Europe, the concept is inexistent in France, Spain, Italy, UK and Germany, so, to a certain extent, making fun of the other, who is alien, is almost a national sport. In France, derision and mockery is very omnipresent in the culture, to the extent of insult, when it involves other ways of life and beliefs.

For the French, the freedom of expression has, indeed, the taste of freedom of insult, the freedom of being culturally insensitive to the needs of others. The French government defends this right as one of the pillars of its famed laicité (secularism). It seems that in the name of this laicité anybody can treat the beliefs and cultures of others with total mockery and scorn because it is his right to do so and nobody can dispute it, if anyone does, then, he is anti-democratic and maybe a terrorist, in the case of a Muslim.

The publication of yet another cartoon of the Prophet Muhammad by the magazine Charlie Hebdo, is undoubtedly an act of escalation of anger and hatred towards the Muslims worldwide, which led to angry demonstrations in various countries, the most violent of which were in Niger, where 6 churches were burned to the ground, and thanks to this magazine the lives of many innocent Christians are put in jeopardy worldwide, and unfortunately, more such violence will come about in the futre.

The American press, aware of the Islamophobic danger of the drawings of the Prophet, in the issue of Charlie Hebdo following the Paris terrorist attack, refused politely to publish them, not out of fear, but out of cultural sensitivity and the same must be said of the non-participation of any representative of the American government in the official march of January 11, 2015.

[caption id="attachment_149830" align="aligncenter" width="683"]People hold wooden sticks next to a damaged car during a demonstration against French weekly Charlie Hebdo's publication of a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed in Niamey, on January 17, 2015 ©Boureima Hama (AFP) People hold wooden sticks next to a damaged car during a demonstration against French weekly Charlie Hebdo's publication of a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed in Niamey, on January 17, 2015 ©Boureima Hama (AFP)[/caption]

For Charlie Hebdo, the freedom to insult the others in their sacred beliefs is a sacred french republican right. So, because France, in its concept of secularism has given the press this right, to hell with the sensitivity of the rest of the world. It is worth nothing. The chief editor of this outrageous magazine Gerard Biard, has even gone one step further, by calling the right to insult the other, freedom of conscience, but obviously he did not explain what he meant by this new concept, in an interview with the American TV station NBC.

Chaque fois que nous faisons un dessin de Mahomet, chaque fois que nous faisons un dessin de prophètes, chaque fois que nous faisons un dessin de Dieu, nous défendons la liberté de conscience

He goes on to say that God must not be a private personality but a public one, open to criticism

Nous disons que Dieu ne doit pas être une figure politique ou publique. Il doit être une figure privée. Nous défendons la liberté de conscience, 

Il s’agit certes de la liberté d’expression, mais également de la liberté de conscience». «La religion ne doit pas être un argument politique. 

In an article of the right-leaning newspaper, Le Figaro, Edouard de Mareschal, goes on to explain what is meant by freedom of conscience, which he believes was wrongly translated by NBC as freedom of religion. For him freedom of consience, is freedom to believe or not believe in a religion or a system of moral and philosophical values. Freedom of religion is only a tiny part of this set of values:

…la liberté de conscience permet à chacun d’adopter le système de valeurs religieuses, philosophiques ou morales de son choix ; ce qui implique la liberté de croire ou de ne pas croire en Dieu. La liberté religieuse est une composante de la liberté de conscience, qui permet à chacun de choisir et d’exercer librement sa religion. 

However, both the editor in chief of Charlie Hebdo and Le Figaro’s journalist do not touch upon the right to respect the belief of the other, which is the crux of the polemic here.

The war of faiths is on

The irresponsible actions of Charlie Hebdo, in the name of “freedom of expression”  or “freedom of conscience,” shows quite clearly that the West by wanting to impose its culture, by the means of globalization has, purposefully, ignited another round of the clash of religions.

At the same time, Pegida is gaining ground in Germany, where there is a large Muslim population from Turkey, very much attached to its religion and culture. This will lead to increasing animosity and prepare the ground for terrorism and its correlate Islamophobia, in the future. Pegida is also trying to set up similar Islamophobic movements in other European countries to organize protests and hate campaigns. The Spanish government, has recently outlawed an Islamophobic march instigated by this German institution to take place in Madrid and Valencia, on the grounds that it will lead to unwanted public unrest.

Islamophobia is sharply on the rise in France, following the Charlie Hebdo massacre, many mosques were torched and a Moroccan migrant was stabbed to death by a Frenchman 17 times, in front of his wife and his child, while crying hysterically: “I am your god, I am Islam.” This horrible Islamophobic crime, incidently was played down by French media, but reported by the British newspaper The Independent:

A Moroccan man in France was brutally killed after being stabbed 17 times in front of his wife at his own home by a neighbour in what is described as a “horrible Islamophobic attack”.

Mohamed El Makouli was confronted by a 28-year-old attacker who forced himself through the front door at around 1:30am on Wednesday, shouting “I am your god, I am your Islam”, the National Observatory Against Islamophobia said yesterday.

The father of one, 47, was killed in the quiet village of Beaucet, near Avignon in southern France, while his 31-year-old wife Nadia tried to save him. She suffered wounds to her hands before she fled the scene with their child to call the police. 

The reaction of the Islamic world to the Charlie Hebdo hate campaign is going crescendo, after the demonstrations reported here above, a wide campaign is taking place on the net to denounce this virulent unjustified attack on the Muslim faith and its symbols. A Moroccan NGO is announcing the organization of one-million-faithful march on February 1, 2015 in Casablanca, Morocco. In this regard, Morocco World News reports that:

According to the organizers, the rally, which is under the theme “No to mocking the prophet, No to terrorism,” will take place on February 1 at 10:00 am in Casablanca, Morocco’s largest city.

The organizers of the event said on their Facebook page that the aim of the march is to confirm that Moroccans denounce terrorism, but at the same time will not accept any mockery of the prophet of Islam.

Other NGOS, in different parts of the Muslim world are calling for the economic boycot of French products and French companies.

Double standards

Many Muslims believe that terrorism is the result of a double standards approach, adopted over decades by the West towards the causes of this part of the world and this is still continuing unabated, today, in the following cases

Palestinian demise: 

Israel was created in 1948, on Palestinian land, as a result of the Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917 made in a correspondence (letter) by the, then, British foreign secretay, Arthur James Balfour to the leader of British Jewry, Lionel Walter Rotschild, expressing British (colonial power in control of the area) active support for “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.”

As such, Israel was created and the Palestinians are still denied, today, the right to have their own state and homeland. They are shamefully parked in the largest open-sky prisons in the world, of which they do not have the right to leave unless Israel gives them the permission. When the Palestinians take arms to fight for their undeniable right to have their own homeland, the whole West calls them terrorists, which means that Israel has the right to have its own country and a very strong army (5th strongest army in the world), but not the wretchd Palestinians.

The Israeli army has the right, anytime, to pound and kill the Palestinians in the open prison of Gaza, at will, with all imaginable lethal weapons possible killing hundreds of people, including the children and the aged. This is called self-defense, but, on the other hand, the Palestinian resistance is considered as acts of terrorism and not freedom fighting.

In ths particular case, linguistic definitions of terms are changed frequently to accommodate the West and Israel, with no problem of conscience, whatsoever.

Volatile concept use:

The Finish Minister of foreign affairs Erkki Tuomioja was bothered by the linguistic volatility of certain terms used in the West. He says that if he mocks the blacks he will be called a racist, if he derides women he will be taxed as a chauvinist, if he vilifies the Jews he will be viewed and denounced as an anti-semitic but if he attacks Islam it is seen as freedom of expression, or as Charlie Hebdo views it: freedom of conscience.

The Finish Minister of foreign affairs Erkki Tuomioja was bothered by the linguistic volatility of certain terms used in the West

Would Pegida and Charlie Hebdo mock the Blacks or the Shoah (Holocaust) in their publications, protests or any other acts? They never did and they will never do, for fear to be attacked by the world Jewry as anti-semitic and dragged to the tribunals and made to pay huge fines and even, for that matter, go to jail. But their fear is not that they are scared of the pssibility of being slammed by the United States and listed as anti-semitic entities.

Given this, however, they can mock Islam, at will, because Muslims, in their belief, are all terrorists and barbarians and certainly are not part of the Judeo-Christian established tradition of their venerable West. 

Final word

The question to be asked, however, is: Why does the West treat Islam in this fashion? Is it because of the fear of its swift propagation worldwide or because of hatred resulting from the Crusades and the Ottoman past, or else?

Anyway, now the season of Islam-bashing is officially open and all wrongdoings to the Muslims in the West will be excused and understood. So much for inter-faith and inter-cultural dialogue.

The West seems to say openly, we want your money, but we cannot stand you and stand your faith and your Prophet.

Of course, nobody can deny that there are a lot of voices of reason and wisdom in the Western world, one just hopes that these voices of peace and coexistence will prevail over the present persistent call for hatred and Islamophobia. Let us, all, pray for that from the depths of our heart. Amen.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

© Morocco World News. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, rewritten or redistributed

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“The Bus Runs From Me”: Scapegoating the Other in Moroccan Culture

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Moroccan Culture

El Jadida, Morocco - The social representation of the other in the Moroccan popular culture of Islam is mainly grounded in the culturally embedded conception of possession popularized by a maraboutic cultural worldview.

The concept of the other may be regarded as positional constituting whatever is radically different from the social categories of the same and whatever represents an urgent threat by virtue of that difference. Strangers, jinn, Jews and women may be regarded as archetypal figures of the other about whom the essential point to be made is not that they are feared because they are evil; rather they are evil because they are other, different and unfamiliar.

What predominates within this cultural worldview is that we are likely to be victims of other people’s machinations. In Moroccan sanctuaries, for instance, healers endeavor to help supplicants exteriorize their tensions by relieving them from any sense of responsibility for their wrongdoings, and by inflicting the blame on socially constructed scapegoats (stepsons, stepmothers, mothers-in-law, conjugal partners, neighbors, friends, spirits, the evil eye, etc.).

Supplicants are urged to hold on to the belief that there are evil others lurking in ambush to harm them; others who are targeted as scapegoats, and onto whom supplicants tend to project aspects of their experiences, fantasies, fears, memories and anxieties.

The process of projection may be directed towards stereotypical social agents who represent targets of contempt to the public and thus prove to be less intimidating to the supplicants. “[This] process whereby low social groups turn their figurative and actual power, not against those in authority, but against those who are even lower,” is known as displaced abjection (Stallybrass & White, 1986, p. 53).

Saint-goers who predominantly come from the underprivileged masses enduring all sorts of social deprivation at the bottom of social space project their problems and handicaps on other lower members of their social strata. Instead of blaming the dominant social classes that detain wealth and power and use them at the cost of the masses’ deprivation, the underprivileged may direct their hostilities towards those who are even lower.

They project onto their fellow social members the stereotypical aspects of the master: brutality, violence, deceit and cunning. Thus, the underprivileged appear as socially disorganized agglomerations engrossed with infighting and mutual incrimination incapable of living collectively.

In sanctuaries studied in previous research in Morocco, we have observed that both saint-goers and healers share the same worldview: caution and mistrust (latiq) is the rule of survival in a social jungle where the other is believed to lie in wait to deprive people of the little they own by means of magic spells.

The other is targeted because he is thought to be disposed to maliciously wreak grievous havoc on innocent people's social life by resorting to witchcraft, the cast the evil eye, or the release of jinn.

Living with such suspicions may thwart the underprivileged social alliances against the possible grievances stemming from the misuse of power, and in consequence, leave the underprivileged populations dependent on dominant coercive social forces that keep them under control such as the Mahkzen represented by the traditional form of state or the tribunals of law, the sulta incarnated in the qaid or local authorities, baraka embodied in the Sultan-saint, or any other dominant apparatus of authority the populace see as capable of maintaining order and chasing/disciplining the evil other.

The paradigm of the other in Moroccan popular culture includes both human and jinn agents who are attributed responsibility for producing a destructive magic effect on targeted people. The average Moroccan subject is seen as a permeable social actor who undergoes the brutality and cunning of the other. He is released from all sorts of blame.

This theory of causation may alleviate the social subject's psychological and emotional tensions and absolves them from being accountable for their own deeds. It is channelized through the popular belief that the machinery of the evil eye (al-'ain), the female jinni pursuer (tab'a), the machinery of luck (zhar), air jinn (l-aryah), cold (l-berd), witchcraft (shur), and the spite of people (sem l-bashar) are all social forces that can steer the wheel of an average Moroccan's fortune.

Such forces may affect his health, work, family and social life as a whole. In retaliation, people, according to Moroccan mythology, should equip themselves with prophylactic measures like baraka, talismans, incense (bkhur), omens, sacred relics (baruk) and prayers to shield themselves from the cast of the other’s evil eye and machinations. Hence social interactions seem to be ruled by mutual mistrust, which may wipe out all signs of collective will.

At this point, it is essential to say that this popular cultural worldview is structured by the dichotomy of the self vs. other. When patients consult traditional healers, the latter explains to them their fears and anxieties in terms of the existence of an evil other predisposed to harm their lives.

This other may be, for instance, the neighbor, with whom they share the quotidian social space of a neighborhood, and who keeps track of their life experiences. It is thought that as an act of envy or retribution on his part in return for resentment aroused by their achievements, he may cast upon them the evil eye.

The other may be the mother-in-law ('guza), the patrimony of the patriarchal lineage, who consults witchcraft to restrict her son's tenderness to his wife and preserve his dependence on her, or the wife who resorts to witchcraft to insure her husband's continual sexual attraction towards her excluding all potential rivals.

The other may be an anonymous agent of a transcendental nature, a jinni, sent on demand or inadvertently attacks a human host on the rebound of a wrong committed. Both patients and healers share the assumption that jinn may possess humans because some magic spell used by envious others commands them to do so, or it may be the result of an accidental misconduct perpetrated by the patients themselves (al-aghlat m'a l-jenn/ wrongdoings against jinn: urinating in the wild, stepping over blood, over gutters, slaughtering at dusk, pouring hot water in a sink, calling jinn by non euphemistic names, swimming at dusk, staying in forsaken places or cemeteries, etc).

Demonizing the other is lucidly embodied in jinn possession that serves to maintain the prevalent moral standards according to which the social subject has to function and in defense of which all deviant subjects are to be, in one way or another, either reformed or incarcerated. In other words, the proper social conduct is organized round humans' social rapport with jinn. Lots of commoners live under the constant fear that jinn may attack them if they are found guilty of impropriety or any other illicit exploit.

In this respect, the concept of jinn is tantamount to the concept of shame (hshuma) used as a tool of social control. It may be considered that the image of jinn has a more powerful effect since it is linked to the invisible and unseen. Shame rather depends on the gaze of other social agents—an external organizing principle that refers to one's public image in society.

If morality is not well internalized, social demeanor by the honor-shame code may conduce to social hypocrisy in that social agents may dabble in illicit conduct while simultaneously pretending a convenient facade social appearance. According to George Murdock, societies fall into two taxonomies with regard to the manner in which they regulate social behavior. There are societies that educate their subjects by means of internalization of rules and prohibitions. And there are societies that rely on external means of repression, precautionary safeguards, such as avoidance rules and regimentations like veiling, seclusion and surveillance.

The concept of hshuma belongs to the second category of rules of conduct. It is an avoidance rule that does not enable the individual to internalize the sense of guilt. It is the public knowledge of one’s misdeed that is taken into account. Moroccan morality follows the same structure of the honor-shame code in culturally constructing possession as a means of social control. It conjures up invisible police agents in the form of jinn imagined to be everywhere watching over social subjects' conduct and punishing wrongdoers.

For instance, people must do their ablutions on time, pray, be pious and adopt a proper social comportment in order to spare themselves the risk of a jinn attack. In popular imagination, prayers represent a decisive factor in self protection from possession. When we were doing fieldwork on the topic, we encountered plenty of jinn cases speaking through the voice of mediums during the process of eviction, saying that the sick person was burning them with prayers. The latter is believed to expel jinn out of human bodies. For instance, to make sure that the person is cured, the healer may call for prayer in one of his ears. If the patient remains calm, it is a sign that he is relieved. If he shows signs of agitation, it means that the jinni is still wriggling inside the possessed body under the pressure of the Word of God.

Generally speaking, common people believe that a proper religious demeanor may shield them from jinn attack. However in terms of educational morality, jinn phobia (living under constant fear from jinn attack) does not foster in social subjects the sense of guilt towards their public social conduct. Little guilt occurs in the fear instigated by jinn or hshuma. They remain mere external precautionary tools of behavior control like the veil, beard, djellaba, and gown. So far as the symbol of fear no longer scares social agents, they may do all possible forms of deceit. Let us illustrate this point with a comment on traditional forms of child care in Moroccan society.

Jinn phobia is a seminal cultural practice in Moroccan child rearing and socialization at the bottom of social space. Most parents did, and some still do, educate their children according to the cultural schema of bu'u-ism -- the othering of jinn and culturally constructing it as a source of fear to the child who disobeys orders. Children do indeed respond to this tool of social control but do not internalize the why's, what's and how's of social conduct. They obey out of fear, not out of understanding and perception.

An average Moroccan would tell you: "children are treated like children. When they grow up, they will understand." Socialized to symbolic fear with external symbols such as bu‘u (a monstrous being), Rahmat Allah (a jinni named the Mercy of Allah), a euphemistic name of a female jinni, or Umna al-Ghoula (our Mother the Ghoul) to refrain from wrongdoing, the young subject's embodied habitus grows with common tendencies of apprehending scarecrows of authority. If the social subject is not exposed to the process of internalization of moral standards, external precautionary safeguards prevail in their habitus. So far as they escape the attention of “scarecrows” like policemen, guards, or dogs, they are likely to plunge in all sorts of social improprieties or even criminal conduct, especially if they pursue the social trajectory of delinquency.

Moroccan micro realities are rife with examples of precautionary safeguards and scarecrows. Let us take an example from our routine life. The car traffic light in Moroccan regions like in the town where I live, for instance, often requires the presence of a policeman -- a scarecrow. In European countries, most traffic lights are self monitored except in places or times where there can occur some traffic jams, you may probably find a policeman. Here, the traffic light and the policeman stand side by side, the latter watching over in case somebody may violate the law and drive through the red light.

The ongoing assumption is that if the policeman is not present as a symbol of authoritative penalization, motorists may drive through the red light. If we dart a glance at how motorcyclists, moped cyclists and bicyclists and pedestrians behave on Moroccan roads, we will immediately grasp the difference between internalization of rules and living with external means of surveillance.

This class of road users is rarely fined by the police unlike motorists who are in constant friction with them. The aftermath is that they break the law on a daily basis in front of the police, and are observed to be oblivious of the existence of a traffic law to the extent that some walk off the pavement and onto the road. On rare occasions, some civil save-life organizations address this epidemic of road accidents by organizing campaigns to mobilize road users to respect the law. Their members stand by crosswalks, and vigorously press pedestrians to use them and stop when the red light turns red for them.

Because these campaigns are infrequent and dispersed, they do not show any real impact on traffic culture. Nothing changes, and the population of pedestrians at least in the town where I live have evolved the habitus of walking onto the road as usual. We think that even cameras that seem to function well in Europe may not be effective in Morocco unless they are clothed in scarecrow uniforms.

Jinn phobia also structures the Moroccan domestic pathological system of sickness. Historically speaking, Moroccans scapegated jinn as being responsible for a variety of sicknesses. Westermarck (1926) argues that Moroccans used to believe that all sicknesses starting with "bu" betokened that a tribe of jinn was held responsible for their germination. We may list some examples in this respect: busaffir (jaundice),   buhamrun (measles) believed to be caused by the jinn tribe of Wlad Belhmar, buzallum (sciatica), buglib (cholera), bumazwi (intestinal sickness), bughattat or butallis (nightmarish sleep), bushwik (red spots on the skin), bu‘ninij/bushniniq (semi-paralysis of shoulder articulation)...

When cholera spread in Morocco in 1895, the Average Moroccan believed that an army of jinn attacked the country. On the authority of Westermarck, people distinguished between violent and mild jinn attack. When the epidemic was very violent, jinn were presumably imagined to have pitched their tents inside the town walls; when the attack abated with few contaminations, jinn were conceived to be camping outside the town walls, and wantonly hitting their poisonous arrows now and again.

Westermarck was told at Tetwan that those who died were followed to the grave by an unusually huddling crowd because it was reckoned that the burial ceremony was a suitable occasion for jinn shooters to hunt their human enemies. If people did not huddle in crowds, they would run the risk of being shot by jinn snipers. The huddle was a shield. This cultural practice historically conveyed a very powerful image of the social need for solidarity and togetherness in times of stress and danger in Moroccan society.

To ease the social stress resulting from the burden of responsibility for one's misconduct, Moroccan popular cultural worldview extends moral blame to the stereotype of women. In our predominant masculine cultural worldview enabled by male-oriented ideologies, women are demonized not only as witches, sorcerers, satanic beings, sexually promiscuous dealers and untrustworthy consorts but also as disease carriers. They are socially represented as bearers of venereal diseases and a source of contamination to the male, a chauvinistic attitude inspired by the patriarchal heritage. As Manhart, Dialmy, Ryan, Caroline and Mahjour put it:

"The term berd [associated with venereal diseases] sometimes represents a shortened version of berd dyal la ‘yalatte (“cold of women”), implying that the disease has its root in women...While it is believed that men can get berd because of exposure to cold, they are not subject to the same consequences for subsequently transmitting the illness. The corresponding term berd dyal rjal (“cold of men”) does not exist" (2000, p. 1374).

Culturally speaking, the term “cold of women” expresses a societal bias against women who occupy an inferior social position in our patriarchal social fabric. They are considered to bear sexual transmissible diseases and thus scapegoated as others threatening the male population with contamination. This biased view is unfortunately interiorized by some women themselves who accept it against their own best interests.

In fact, scapegoating the other is deeply ingrained in everyday Moroccan discourse. It is rationalized as common-sense assumptions that shape social interactions. Many Moroccans find it natural to inculpate the other of triggering mishaps in their lives. It is interwoven in their language that they are victims of fate, or of socially malevolent forces: the Evil Eye ('ain/tqwas), envy (hsed), witchcraft (sihr), sorcery (tukal) or bad luck (zhar makaynsh). This mythic worldview resides in people's daily language.

Let us take, for example, the linguistic construction of agency in Moroccan dialect. Wrong doings or accidental occurrences are always rendered in the passive in which the doer of the action is positioned as an affected participant to obfuscate agency. Moroccans say: “who/what caused you that?” (shkun/ash sbabek); “the bus runs from me” (msha ‘liya tubis) instead of “I missed the bus.” “The window pane hit me,” or “the glass dropped from me.” Linguistic constructions of this kind may reflect the lack of a feeling of positive agency and mirror a risk-avoider habitus socially constructed through distancing oneself from being responsible for one’s wrong/brave deeds.

Social subjects are positioned as recipients of subjective events initiated by others. Objects are also personified and endowed with capacities that affect the “I”. Moroccans’ cultural worldview is not centered on the "I", that is on phenomenological human agency that can bring change. It is rather dissolved in the collective social structures --we, the tribe, family, structures, others, fate, divinities..., external social forces that steer the course of one's destiny.

In this loosely structured social context, maraboutic elixirs are offered to save the underprivileged classes from the pressurizing responsibility of being constantly accountable for their life choices and trajectories. The best antidote to social responsibility is magical emancipation—the worlds of magic, Jinn possession, the cathartic releases of trance dancing, and the subjective empowering of Jinn eviction— all can serve to mask and deflect the misfortunes arising from capitalist contradictions and oppressions just as they may deflect the oppressions arising from local traditional orders.

Just as impediment (l-'kes) in general is understood through the occult, impediment, in particular arising from capitalist micro realities, can also be understood in the same way. Imagining maraboutic holy figures bursting forth water from the ground, evoking food from nowhere and healing incurable diseases, breaking the fetters of reality, time, and place can help Average Moroccans to cope with the open sores of maimed dignity arising from capitalist as well as other economic and political sources.

Those taking it for-granted that the evil eye, jinn, or the work of magic has the capacity to ruin their lives will not lay the blame for their misfortunes and social malaise on institutional economic choices, which may therefore absolve the government and the local authorities beneath its jurisdiction from being accountable for miscarrying programs and incurring further social grievances to the underprivileged masses at the bottom of social space.

An average individual who fails in their job may attribute their failure to "colleagues," "relatives”, "neighbors”, bad luck or envy, and thus get submerged in a world of divination, possession and magic while governments and structural policies are absolved from answerability, and go virtually unchecked.

Ironically speaking, how can we hold governments responsible for their wrong macro choices if we do not dare to hold ourselves responsible for our micro wrong deeds?

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

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The Spectrum of Language Choice for Moroccan Education

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Moroccan education, Students in calssroom

Rabat - Two or three years ago, a colleague with whom I was hardly acquainted called and asked me to join what he referred to as an elite group of Moroccan Anglophone intellectuals and activists interested in the linguistic situation of Morocco and eager to replace French with English as the country’s second language. He said, not without some pride, that many leading intellectuals and influential political, economic, and educational figures who could weigh heavily on the linguistic situation of the Kingdom would be of the party. He added that the initiative had received the blessings of the United States and the United Kingdom.

He apologized for having included me on the list of an international conference program that was to be held in two days without my prior consent. I thanked him profusely and told him that I would be delighted to participate in this conference, but only as a citizen, and not on behalf of the non-governmental organization he was expecting me to participate on behalf of; an organization that he seemed to think had the main goal of spreading the English language in the country. I explained to the colleague that the organization had professional objectives and was aimed at supporting the teaching of English as a foreign language and of providing all those involved in the profession with quality services.

I further explained that the organization aimed at optimizing the efficiency of pedagogical offers, both directly through professional development and indirectly through promoting scientific research and publishing in related subject areas. As the colleague had, obviously, a completely different conception of an organization he had hoped would support his mission, I made a point to stress the fact that although the organization maintained a long history of good-standing cooperation and working relations with the British and American cultural authorities, which it holds in high esteem, it was also keen to maintain its freedom and to preserve its independence. I wanted him to know that although the organization strives to give a voice to English language teachers in the country, it would never compromise what it takes to be national priorities, nor will it negotiate what it takes to be the foundations of Morocco's identity or indulge in any undertaking that would jeopardize it.

On the eve of the conference, I made it clear to the colleague that I considered neither French nor English as close relatives of mine. None was my mother tongue, nor did I think of myself as a militant combatting for the prevalence of either, and that I used both equally for professional purposes, and that I did not see any need to substitute one for the other. My idea was that the Moroccan educational system has specific uses for each. Shortly after this conversation, the colleague called me again to inform me that my name had been dropped from the list of speakers at the seminar. His excuse was that he had not received the abstract of my presentation. Diplomatically, he suggested that I was welcome to attend the event and participate in the debate if I so wished.

For the record, I would like to mention that I do not find the merciless war between the French and English languages on the Moroccan educational scene as very different from the conflict between the international powers during the early years of the 20th century, which paved the way to the colonization of the Kingdom, to which the euphemistic label of ‘protectorate’ was given.

I would like to remind the reader of an important principle in sociolinguistics and historical linguistics: on one hand, languages and varieties of the same language strive to preserve their status within their original community and behave, on the other hand, as if they were in a dire need to prevail over others, and to spread beyond their natural habitat, and to gain more of an influential status where they previously did not have any. This puts languages in constant conflict with one another, competing for the same privileges and to occupy new grounds in politics, economy, religion, and culture that were once held by others.

Thus, some nations and social groups have considered their languages to be productive factors to be employed in their speakers’ political, economic and commercial relations, and people have come to rely on them for establishing an ideological hegemony. Likewise, many countries have depended on their languages as pivotal elements for the construction of their identities, and have used them as important tools for the conceptualization of their perceptions of themselves as well as of the images they present of themselves to the world. In the same vein, several communities have used and are still using their languages to maintain their status among other social groups and nations. Let us reflect on the following: language is an arena in which all critical conflicts in a given society are fought. In Morocco, the issue of language and language choice has been turned into a field in which the country is cornered, to be subjected to different types of extremely competitive cultural, intellectual, political, and economic pressures and influences.

In Britain, for instance, the English language is considered to be a complex and multidimensional product, which is at times imposed upon other nations through various colonial mechanisms and, at other times, through commercial and advertising methods and through subtle cultural hegemonic strategies. This is done using a unique network in the domain of commercializing English language instruction and serving the strategic objective of spreading it. The network consists of a huge number of ‘cultural’ centers that actually function as focal points of a stock market that benefits from the direct financial, diplomatic, political, and military support of the state. They are also supported by very powerful government-subsidized global services and industries such as publishing, language teaching, higher education, training, the arts, the economy, and culture. The English language sector has thus grown to become one of the top 6 or 7 industries in the UK. Its income amounts to billions of pounds, more than many heavy traditional industries.

In other words, talking about the English language is exactly like talking about an industrial or commercial commodity or service. It is similar to talking about an electronic device, a vehicle, an aircraft engine, a soft drink, a warplane, a cruise missile, or a bullet. The United Kingdom’s Ministry in charge of Education determined that the amount of money foreign students spend in the various schools and universities in the UK has exceeded £10 billion in 2012, 3 billion of which coming directly from the English language instruction industry. The figure does not include the huge amounts of money collected in the many Council Centres scattered all over the world. This example is mentioned only for the purpose of clarifying things for those amongst us who might still be under the impression that the support of the English language by some consular services and assimilated charities has only altruistic and generous objectives. The gains may be far more complex, but not much less visible to the naked eye if one takes the time to look closely!

Moreover, when one talks about countries intervening to spread their languages in a certain domain or foreign country, one is actually talking about hegemony and of a sort of interference at levels that are far from being purely linguistic. A sign that heralds a new colonization episode is when, for example, a simple employee in one of these language centers acquires sufficient authority to influence a Minister’s decision, or when he takes the liberty to interfere in a country’s policy by pushing for the urgency of granting priority to his own language. An even more sinister sign is when such an employee, as is unfortunately very common to see, is heeded much more than the country’s prominent linguists, researchers, university chancellors, and deans. The Moroccan adage goes, "expect the apocalypse when matters are conceded to those with no qualifications to address them..." The first and central qualification here is being a national of the Kingdom.

A large number of researchers have centered their research around English linguistic imperialism, its secrets, its hegemonic mechanisms, and its impact on the world’s culture, ideology, religion, finance, and economy. These studies reveal opportunistic and racist features of the English language that exceed those of other colonial languages like French or Spanish. Those interested in this scientific debate can run bibliographic searches with key words like "language and hegemony," "linguistic imperialism," "English and hegemony," "English and racism," "language policy" or "language planning” to strike a mine of information on the topic.

This is not to give the impression that this research is of an extremist or militant nature. It has to be noted that these studies are written in English and have been conducted by highly proficient Scandinavian, European, and North American linguists. Many courses based in this research are taught in these countries’ most famous and well-established universities. Pioneering studies and research has also been conducted in the area by African and Indian researchers. Those advocating the rejection of French and its replacement with English in Morocco because French is of a colonial nature need to investigate the imperialist and racist nature of English as discussed and documented in this relevant literature before they make up their mind or launch their marketing campaign promoting the virtues of the English language.

Anyone who prioritizes English over French in the current Moroccan educational system on the basis that French is a colonial language should recall these facts. Both languages are colonial. Some scientific research shows, however, that the hegemony of the English language is much more severe than that of any other language, as evidenced by the military, financial, economic, and political hegemony of the UK and the US and their allies, especially in the so-called Arab and Islamic world. All those pushing for the English language in Morocco should know that the two languages are waging a war, and are engaged in many conflicts that Moroccans have no reason to take sides in or to take part in. The Moroccan elite, to which my colleague seemed to be so proud to belong to, should not subject the people of the country to a new colonization and hegemony for such a cheap price. The US and the UK invest billions of dollars in this war, most of it goes to creating new alliances by all possible means, which are needless to reveal here.

Some of the questions supporters of the English language alternative do not seem to be sensitive to include the feasibility of shifting to English in the Moroccan educational system after it has invested so much in the Arabization of its primary and secondary levels while continuing to maintain French in higher technical and scientific education without compromising the status of other foreign languages, including English. Since its independence, Morocco has invested huge amounts of precious time, funds, energy, intelligence, and imagination in training teachers in these two languages, which, despite all these efforts, are still said to lack. How then, all of a sudden, can the country change its language of instruction to a language most of her teachers, who have been trained in Arabic and French, do not understand? Are the teachers who teach sciences and mathematics in Arabic in primary and secondary levels and in French in universities now to be asked to switch to English to teach? Would there be any other unfair requests? Is this not pure disregard and contempt towards these professionals, and would it not be committing the worst injustice to the students and to the country?

Or is the pretension to give a generation of English language all the skills, competences, and tools they need to perform the transition and secure the objective of rooting English in the system in a blink of an eye, knowing that the venture of qualifying teachers in Arabic and French has hardly achieved its objectives in more than fifty years? Does the country have qualified experts who are able to write course books and educational supporting materials in all school subjects in the English language, and are the country's libraries able to provide the resources needed for this tremendous task? Does the country have trainers, school inspectors, and supervisors who are qualified to coach teachers in this language? Or do they plan on importing all this expertise and materials from the US and the UK with loans? If this option is chosen, it would have to be called something like ‘new colonialism’.

It is a lie to claim that the transition from one secondary language to another can be carried out smoothly without affecting additional generations of poor children. The transition would disqualify them from mainstream development opportunities and from socioeconomic mobility. It cannot be done without great pain and sociopolitical and cultural injury, or without creating wide and unbridgeable intellectual and cultural gaps and huge losses of current assets.

A traitor to his own people and a liar is he who claims that education and knowledge will spread and become equally accessible to all Moroccans through any language other than their mother tongues. Morocco will never be a developed, independent, and scientific country without providing fundamental education to all of its people in their own mother tongues. Those who are truly concerned about the future of this country should deploy their intelligence, expertise, experience, and wisdom to adapt strategies that would allow the native languages of Morocco to facilitate (i) the design of suitable curricula, (ii) the invention of appropriate pedagogical approaches, (iii) the learning and also the generation of relevant knowledge, (iv) the mastery of critical skills, (v) the production of innovative ideas, and (vi) the development of the creative competencies needed for the solution of the country's problems.

Second and third foreign languages are undoubtedly important, and should be made accessible to all learners when they need them. They should be considered as tools to invest in to meet well-defined specific needs and purposes, but should not be given priority over other subjects in students’ primary and secondary education. In fact, the need for second or third foreign language varies from one field to another, and from one educational level to another. There is no need for English for a well-qualified accountant, a good surgeon, a creative architect, or a secondary school teacher of law, history, philosophy, music, or any other subject. English may be useful in fields such as tourism, the hotel industry, and banking.

The importance of this language cannot be neglected for those specializing in advanced scientific research, international diplomacy, trade, military, and civil aviation, or merchant shipping vocations. These crafts will require their practitioners to learn English and therefore the capacity and the skills of teaching it in the best ways and at the least cost. But to adopt English in the first years of instruction would not only be a waste of time, energy, and money, it will be at the expense of other more critical skills and competencies. It would seem to be more natural in the earlier years of the educational system for Morocco to invest in building native language capacities, strengthening the status of the national languages, and optimizing the quality of their teaching. Investment priorities should be on basic cognitive skills in maths, physics, chemistry, biology, physical training, and critical thinking aptitudes.

The main question to be asked is for whom this country is training her children. Is it for Morocco, its people, and its national economic development? Some colleagues argue that it is easier for university graduates to find jobs abroad if they are fluent in English. My answer is that this is absolutely true, but as a Moroccan citizen I refuse to see Morocco’s money placed in training qualified engineers, senior directors, and managers for Canada, the United States, China, or Europe. Those who want to emigrate and work in these parts of the world should then purchase the language education they need for those ‘specific markets’ or centers and pay for them out of their pocket. They should not spend Morocco's tax money paid by Morocco’s poor, its merchants, its civil servants, and its citizens who choose to invest in the economy and industry of their country. I also find it quite immoral for the country to invest money it borrows with high interest rates on training skilled manpower that will return to the very same countries that lent Morocco the money.

A similar excuse I have seen with is that Morocco needs to attract foreign investment and multinational corporations, and that they consider English an important factor in choosing countries they settle in. This, it is argued, is a good enough argument to convince Morocco to teach this language. To answer this claim, I would like to say that teaching English as a foreign language is one thing, and having it replace another language is something else. Furthermore, the current curriculum of Moroccan public schools can provide high school graduates with such English language proficiency that can be further fine-tuned to a higher competency when and if needed. Moreover, Morocco will benefit more from strengthening its multi-linguistic capital, adding to it rather than reducing its potential, shaking her stability, and incurring a great loss.

Whatever the language(s) Morocco ends up choosing for specific purposes, the decision-making process should be grounded in the theoretical framework in which foreign language courses are designed and their multi-layer dimensions. It must be certain that the hegemonic cultural, communicational, pragmatic, colonial, racist, and imperial dimensions are accounted for and managed when the decision is made. In fact, every foreign language course should be supported by a pedagogy of critical thinking and the evaluation of opinions, attitudes, perceptions, situations, and behaviors associated with it. If the goal is to enable all those who want to learn English with the skills they need, there should be more than one methodological option to serve this purpose without replacing, amputating, or creating clashes and confusions. Should the purpose be something else, and the true goals be hidden or unstated, the issue will clearly be of a different nature.

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The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

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Ashura and the Ritual Emancipation of Women in Morocco

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Ashura

El JadidaAnthropologically speaking, the popular Islamic ritual of Ashura has been approached as a pagan survival in Morocco. There is a traditional thesis on Ashura that it is an Islamic ceremony incorporated by the newly Islamized Berbers as early natives to substitute the ancient practice of burial and resurrection of the vegetation deity. Westermarck refutes the thesis of a primeval God burial on the basis that there were no left traces of sacrifice for the deity of vegetation before the coming of Islam though Westermarck remains faithful to the pagan survival theory and considers Ashura as the sequel substitute for l-‘ansera that the Berbers used to celebrate at the end of the agricultural harvest. In general, Ashura has been explored within the scope of both solar and purificatory theories presented by Frazer and Westermarck respectively but the whole anthropological debate now seems to be moribund and does not trespass the evolutionary theoretical models of the epoch.

Ashura from an interdisciplinary cultural perspective appears to be an act of survival; it offers ‘a ritual free space’ for subordinate female social agents to discharge their discontent and exert their power, a resource which they tap into to carve out a moment of becoming reversing male domination. The ritual of Ashura allows us to see how female agency emerges from, and is continually reconstructed through their engagement by their practice of magic and ceremonial alfresco gatherings, chanting songs of challenge to the male authority.

The ethnographic image of Ashura delineates how a cultural and religious ritual may play the role of establishing and sustaining cultural hegemony. It forwards into a position of prominence the carnivalesque aspect of the ritual. The cultural authority of the male is transgressed, mocked and crushed down by the joyful moment of female becoming in a ritual outlet that permits the male cultural authority to rejuvenate its yoke of domination over women in the normal existing social conditions. It is a carnival, a form of social control of the low by the high and thus serves the interests of the official culture that it apparently opposes. As Shakespeare’s Olivia remarks “there is no slander in an allowed fool.” Thus, hegemony permits the ritual inversions of hierarchy and status degradations, a safety valve for, re-affirming the status quo, for renewing the system but women cannot change it.

In fact, Ashura seems to be double-edged. From bottom –up resources it emerges as a form of cultural resistance but from a top-down perspective it seems to be licensed in that it reflects the force of the establishment that contains it. In other words, it is a cultural resistance that spins in a vortex of authoritarian relations fixed up by the cultural establishment. The resistant female subject’s revolt bumps against the shields of the dominant cultural and political institutions and shrinks back to her initial subordinate position.

We list here three main findings our fieldwork research has discovered (for a full treatment of the ritual of Ashura see Maarouf 2009). First, there is a female emancipatory discourse articulated in the form of songs women chant outdoors on the night of Ashura. These songs may be termed “the female songs of emancipation”. Females chant collectively open air songs challenging patriarchal authority and deriding male power. As an example, female emancipation is epitomized in the archetypal verse recited by women everywhere in Moroccan plains from ‘Abda, Doukkala to Shawiya: “Baba Aishur we are not under any rule! The Prophet’s birthday festival is under men’s rule” (Baba Ayshur ma ‘lina bi-hkam a lalla/ ‘id l-milad bi-hkam rijal a la lalla)! It is saying that religious festivals such as the Prophet’s birthday ceremony may be performed under male control but Ashura is the occasion for women to celebrate their femininity. In their outdoor collective songs, women also exult at their bravura in jihad (holy war) against the colonizer and sing of bearing arms and embarking on long journeys to rescue victims even if the call for help as their metaphor goes reaches them from a donkey agonizing in a remote land (a white donkey wailed in the desert, The town girls took up rifles /wa shka hmar byad f s-sahel / wa bnat l-mdina hezzu l-mkahhl).

These songs recall to mind the songs of Hate in Gluckman’s ethnographic example of ritually insulting the King in Swaziland (1985, 51-2). This ritual is intended to strengthen feelings of loyalty towards the king, especially among potential traitors. It is like a carnival where license is permitted and strong resentments against authority are exteriorized. Potential traitors may evince strong feelings of guilt and untrustworthiness while face-to-face with the loyal subjects of the king. In the same way, females in Ashura go outdoors in parades to subvert the gender-marked established roles, menace male prerogatives, and blow up in obscenities thus draining their tensions and hostilities and consequently consolidating the hierarchical status quo.

Females’ songs of emancipation also aim at transferring feelings of aggression onto scapegoats, constructing an outsider enemy alien to the clan to strengthen the social sentiments of belonging to the same group; examples of such songs run as follows: (Play with us we play with you! You are arrogant and arrogance has undressed you! [la‘bu m‘ana nla‘bu m‘akum/ fikum shshiki u shshiki ‘arrakum] Blind the enemy’s eye! He who hates us! [ta‘mi ‘ayn la-‘du lima ibghina] Our clan is table and glass! Your clan but basket and hoe! [wa duwarna gha tabla u l-kas/wa duwarkum gha l-guffa u l-fas] Our tree is full of flowers oh lalla (honorific female title)! He who hates us, sickness be upon him oh lalla [shajeretna ‘amra ward ya lalla/ lima ibghina i‘tih l-mard ya lalla]! Our clan is a belt of silk! Your clan but donkey hooves! [ wa rifna ‘a majdul l-hrir/ wa rifkum ‘a fraqsh l-hmir])

Once a year then, Women see themselves as authorized to violate the patriarchal norms. By reversing the roles of domination and acting out the sexual conflict, the ritual of Ashura paradoxically adds force to the hierarchical social cohesion. Men and women obeying the established traditions submit to a ritual from which the community hopes to derive its prosperity and harmony.

The second finding is about purification rituals. There are many examples of purificatory rituals collected from the field but I will cite one example because of space constraints. On Ashura holy day, girls in Doukkala region hollow dates and fill them with hairs, and then march in a collective procession chanting and playing on drums with the intent to bury Baba Aishur. They go to an abandoned deep well which they circumambulate while throwing the dates, hence disencumbering themselves from their old hair. The well is a symbol of sacred water. Waarab (2003) argues that people believe that, on the day of Ashura, all wells and springs are flowing from the Meccan well of Zemzem. Before dawn, women head towards wells to get water to splash over each other, a purifying ritual named after the sacred pit Zemzem—needless to mention in this respect ceremonial bathing in rivers and at sea on Ashura day (Westermarck, 1905).

In other villages, girls bury the dates underground in remote forsaken areas so that people do not step over them and may get harmed. Sometimes, girls take with them rags, pieces of underclothing, residue of molted hair (mshaga) or fingernails belonging to their mothers or other members of the family to throw in a pit (these are belongings of tab‘a, a female jinni pursuer keen on burdening the targeted person’s way with impediments); it is an act of contagious magic, a congruence which is supposed to exist for instance between someone and the severed portion of their hair, so that what happens to the part happens to the whole. The burial of the hairs in dates is a symbolic gesture of growth and fertility. But the gesture also re-enacts the burial process of the old year with its residues; the girls bury the old hair with the old year and wish for a new hair with a new year.

This act of contagious magic may also be interpreted within the cultural frame of power relations of gender. The girls and their mothers are enacting a ceremonial ritual to preserve their feminine gender capital which they think may insure their importance to the male. The ritual shows that the male gaze is present in female popular imagination. Though the ceremony is feminine and offers females a space of freedom and challenge to male authority, women seem to experience themselves in terms of their relationships with males. In a nutshell, the ritual seems to be andocentric with the male at the centre of female attraction. By interring Baba Aishur, girls inter their mishaps and wish for more hair beauty, more male attraction to them and more self-importance in a patriarchal world.

The third finding is about the practice of magic. Ashura is the ritual occasion for the feminine practice of witchcraft. To secure their position in the patriarchal household, women may consult diviners and sorcerers, looking for magical recipes to insure continual domestic power and male emotional attachment to them. There are women who consult sorcerers or work personally in brewing spells in order to burn them during Ashura bonfires. Other women who are worried of being harmed by malevolent doings buy incense (bkhur) to avert evil influence caused by malevolent spirits. Spells may be used to harm enemies or charm people dear to the heart. This renewed interest in magical practices during Ashura implies that the social actors are aware of the annual transition (end-beginning of the year) and its sacredness. They yearn to do or undo spells during the occasion because as most interviewees maintain “charms used or renewed during Ashura may last for the whole year from Aishur until the coming Aishur.”

[caption id="attachment_17848" align="aligncenter" width="550"]Children Celebrating Ashura Children Celebrating Ashura[/caption]

Ashura bonfire (sha“ala) seems to be the most convenient time when the women who believe in magical emancipation decide to burn their spells. Bonfires are lighted by male youths in streets in the presence of girls, grownups of both sexes and little children. When it blazes, the boys commence to circumambulate and leap over the flames; girls standing by sing what Moroccans term “the Songs of Baba Aishur.” At this point, one may notice female spell doers neighing the fire, and casting their spells and charms in it under children’s hurrahs. Those who do not like to expose themselves in the limelight may offer fire ingredients—for instance, an old stuff mattress—to children to burn in fire. The latter run happily dragging the bits and pieces along into the bonfire unaware that the gift might have been filled with spells.

There are women who prefer to burn their spells indoors using small censors rather than cast them in outdoor fires. Their alibi is that they do not want boys and girls playing outside to step over the spell because in their belief it may harm them. In the countryside, some women may spin wool in front of the outdoor fire to produce a magic charm. It is believed that if women spin yarn from the wool fibers stored from the Great-Feast victim’s fleece in front of Ashura fire, fortune will guide the hand that grasps the spun thread. The woman equipped with her distaff and spindle forms a thread taller than her body height. The thread may be cut into small pieces and then given to nubile girls as well as to people who desire to sell their cattle in weekly markets. All are believed to find fortune on their side.

Ashura night in fact turns neighborhoods into different sorts of perfume from gam-amoniac, alum to benzoin. Some believe that fumigation may fortify them against evil influence and others think that their spells if burnt ceremonially in Ashura may incontestably bewitch the targeted individual.

Ashura therefore is the ideal occasion for women to exert their magical power. Living in a male-oriented social world where they believe that men’s authority and prerogatives are natural and inherent in their masculinity, married women, especially from the uneducated lower social strata, generally derive their power from their sexual capital—as long as they are sexually desirable and active. In fact, their sexuality, domestic skills and child-rearing skills form the capital of their importance in the household. Their access to other sources of power is almost denied.  Therefore, they scheme and practice magic, in fact using whatever means available to them, in order to act effectively on their husbands. This measure of domestic influence or ‘unassigned power’ is ritually accentuated in socially accepted avenues such as marriage ceremonies, carnivals of Ashura, carnivals of the Great feast, jinn evictions and other ritual practices. It seems that male authority allows itself to be ritually transgressed in order to tighten its grip over women in the course of normal social life.

The carnivals of Ashura are mainly performed by rural female social agents and those who belong to uneducated poor urban social classes. Educated women from modern-middle-class urban families—not to mention the rich and high bourgeoisie—,who are rising to power in the public and private sectors and gaining more freedom, challenge these cultural forms of traditional society. They will by no means descend in streets to be enrolled in ritual parades of Ashura playing on oblong drums to express their feminine liberty. Some Islamist female respondents condemn Ashura outdoor practices as heterodox; nevertheless they do not seem to question the legitimacy of male authority over them because in their eyes it is decreed by the Islamic Tradition.

Here I do not want to end up my analysis on a pessimistic tone. As it is revealed, Ashura practices do not threaten the social reproduction and maintenance of female docile subjects in society. They do not menace the social inequality of gender relations, and historically shift identity with the vagaries of domination. However, if Ashura’s emancipatory discourse may be practiced outside its ritual process authorized by the popular tradition; if women grow aware of their empowerment, such is the case now in rising feminist activism, all this may pave the way for political female agency.

Now, counter-hegemonic seeds of resistance in rituals of Ashura, trance dancing and jinn possession still prevail and subordinate women who cannot escape their social position can leastwise escape the conventions that go with it—they may feel free somehow at a symbolic level; they may transgress, be outrageous and throw out the norms at least for a while. Of course this can be seen as a `ruse of power` to licence a blowing off of steam, but these anti-hegemonic alternative meanings and dispositions remain latent and available for future uses and can be raised with a more likelihood to subvert the social structure, especially with new cultural attachments under new favourable social, political and economic conditions.

To be followed by a sequel article: "Ashura in Orthodox Islam"

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

The post Ashura and the Ritual Emancipation of Women in Morocco appeared first on Morocco World News.

Cultural Stereotypes about Female Sexual Threat in Morocco

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Women in Morocco, who claim that sexual harassment is rampant in the country, are mobilizing against the crime.

El Jadida - Generally, Moroccan women are not invested with continual cultural authority like men. In popular culture, they are stereotypically considered as inferior, capricious and untrustworthy. They by no means form a homogenous class. There are bourgeois and middle-class educated women who enjoy a larger degree of freedom by having access to the public domain and do not give much importance to ritual social outlets, but lots of women from the uneducated lower social strata and rural origins are relegated to a separate social existence and confined in the domestic sphere against a social background of a changing society thanks to the education of the masses and the call for modernization and female labor force.

Underprivileged women find themselves restricted to a ritualized form of expression. Traditional society is still at work with its paradigmatic prejudices on women describing them as fitna (social chaos) if left uncontrolled. The anxiety of the male to control female’s sexuality has engendered a male-oriented education based on religious ethics as well as on the honour-shame code. The main features of this code, as Amal Rassam (1980) argues, are “the female’s maintenance of virginity and strict fidelity after it.” If women leave the domestic sphere to go to school or work, they still have to depend on the male’s authority and protection, and render complete obedience.

Precautionary safeguards like the veil or scarf may be used by lots of them to give a positive self-image of themselves as respectable women and thus assure their agnatically related males or husbands that they secure their honor. Such safeguards show that women do not exist without the male gaze. Internalizing moral values for them does not seem to rank as significant as showing morals in public via external conventional symbols.

The anxieties of patriarchy as a matter of fact has culturally constructed female sexuality as a source of menace to social cohesion if left unrestricted by the cultural authority of the male. Rachik (1990) has chronicled a very pertinent example of this stereotypy that we should further discuss its influence on local popular imagination and on the development of biased attitudes towards female subordination. His informer Ben Zidan says that left-hand slaughtering gestures are assorted as ill-omen in the Berber lore and attempts to convince Rachik of his argument by providing the example of female creation: “Eve is created from Adam’s left rib.” Thus he ends his argument thinking that this is proof to show that women are associated with evil schemes. For him it also explains why women sacrifice with the left hand in isgar, a High Atlas evil-expulsion sacrifice addressed to jinn. Isgar offerings follow strict ritual interdictions: no salt in food or blood, no speech in performing ritual tasks and no use of the right hand. That women often perform isgar evinces them as satanic and endowed with mystic powers.

Ben Zidan’s proverbial statement may be extended to the Moroccan adage deep-rooted in our cultural imagination that women are a deformed rib (dala awja). Moreover, many people imagine that the progenitor, Eve, was behind the cast of Adam from Paradise, and often cite a hadith from the Prophetic tradition to prove their debasing estimate of women: “annisau naqisatu ‘aqlin wa din (women are short of reason and faith).” Westermarck (1930) in Wit and Wisdom has collected a lot of proverbs from the Moroccan cultural scene in which women are stereotypically represented as sorcerers, satanic and capricious—in addition to Sidi Abderrahman al-Majdub’s poetry which is part of our folklore up to the present denigrating the standing of women in the-sixteenth-century Morocco. Here are some key verses from his poetry about female lechery as cited in Dyalmi’s study (1985), al-mara wal jins fi al-Maghreb [Women and Gender in Morocco]: “The bird flew higher/and perched on a rundown vine/Women are all bitches/ except those who are unable to be so! (l-qawba‘ taret u t-ellat /nzlat la ud rashi/ nsa ga qahbat ghir lli ma qaddat ‘la shi)”.

Another example is al-‘Akakkiza, a heretical Sufi movement which appeared in the sixteenth century and was known for taking the staff (al-ukkaz) as their emblem. They were even named after it—al akakiza or al-ukkaziya. One of their leaders, shaykh Abdellah al-Khayat dug his staff in the ground in Tassawet region in Tadla and a spring of water flew out. Also in Zarhun, a spring is attributed to his baraka and is named ‘Ain al-‘Ukkaz, the spring of the staff ” (Najmi, 2000, p. 315).

This Sufi movement has evinced dissident, disruptive and subversive inclinations for about four centuries. Its members advocated the free play of sexual desire by holding the slogan that “women are like prayer-carpets. Pray and give your brother to pray.” To kill the earthly pleasures of the soul in the neophyte, the shaykh of al-‘Akakiza would ask his disciple to bring his wife. Then the new disciple would prostrate himself on the ground with his wife on him. The shaykh would lie on the wife and copulate with her. When he reached his spasm, he would ask his followers, the fuqra, to follow one by one depending on their social rank in the Sufi group. For four centuries, al-‘Akakiza were a well-known and powerful subversive Sufi movement in Morocco. They existed in different areas from Oujda to the Sahara (see Najmi, 2000).

In Berber mythology, male anxieties have also engendered mythic restrictions on female sexuality even after the male’s death. Take the example of baghlat l-qbur (the female mule of tombs), for instance, the transmogrified widow after death who does not observe the grief period over her dead husband. This grief period about four months and ten days is called the right of Allah (haqq Allah). According to the Berber belief, the widow who makes love to another man during the moaning period may be turned in her death into the mule of tombs, a very sinister mule-jinni in chains that gallops every night in the cemetery and devours passers-by on its way before burying their skeletons in one of the tombs; a male threatening conception intended to protect male blood lineage in case of the wife’s probable pregnancy from her husband before his death.

Widows are generally encouraged to put up with their new social status (unmarried) and endure the custody of their children—from the language of condolence we may pick up expressions that read as follows: sebri ‘ala wlidatek (be patient with the custody of your children). However, when a man loses his wife, he does not face any mythic peril. He may rather hear sympathetic expressions like “May Allah renew your bed!” (Allah yejedded frashek); it is a male-oriented wish for the bereaved husband to fall upon a female spouse surrogate.

Face to face with such cultural bias against female gender resources at the bottom of social space, subaltern women maneuver and ritually contest male power using whatever capital available to them be it symbolic/ honorific, or cultural (like child-rearing, house cleaning, magic preparation skills) to influence the male and squeeze a position of power in the household. Yet, the social emancipation of subaltern women is strictly tied to a cultural paradigm of female ritual practices carried out through socially canalized channels like trance dances, jinn evictions, visiting saints, marriage ceremonies, weird pregnancy cravings (al wahm) and other magic rituals wherein subaltern women bargain from weakness to achieve a short-lived measure of control over their own destiny, and gain a sort of ephemeral “unassigned” power over the male.

During these ritual outlets, the cultural authority of the male is challenged in a joyful moment of female becoming that permits the male cultural authority to rejuvenate its yoke of domination over women in the normal existing social conditions. It is a ruse of male social power that serves the interests of the patriarchal culture that it apparently opposes. Thus, masculine hegemony permits its ritual challenge; a safety valve for re-affirming the status quo, for renewing the system that women cannot change in normal social conditions. In other words, it is a cultural resistance that spins in a vortex of authoritarian relations fixed up priori by the patriarchal establishment. The ritualized resistant female role bumps against the shields of the dominant male-oriented cultural and political structure and shrinks back to her initial subordinate position.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Morocco World News’ editorial policy

The post Cultural Stereotypes about Female Sexual Threat in Morocco appeared first on Morocco World News.

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